Morocco and Arabia

A.    The Pilgrimage and Its Impact

The Muslim Holy Places of Macca and Madina have attracted an ever increasing number of Maghribis and Andalusians throughout the ages.    Despite their politi­cal independence (from the Eastern Caliphate), the Maghrib and Andalusia have remained to a large extent tributary to the Muslim East in matters of religion and culture. Remarks Gamal Eldin Elshayyal:

"The Andalusian and Moroccan Muslims always felt nostalgia to the East: the birth place of Islam, the abode of Holy Places: Mecca Medina, and Jerusalem, the cradle of Islamic science and the intellectual home of Muslim scholars."

The Hajj (pilgrimage) being one of the five pillars of Islam, it was only natural that both Andalusians and Maghribis would engage in a punctilious observance of their religious commandment. Maghribis, and Moroccans in particular, have always been rigorous in matters of cultural redemption, and as such have looked upon the duty of Hajj as an especially crucial one, ranking only of second importance after the Siyam (fasting). It is undeniable that the pilgrimage to Macca is a unique opportunity for the believer to come into contact with the divine and the sacred, to beg for forgiveness and wash away his sins. No other place on the surface of the globe is more sacrosanct and more subliminal for a Muslim than the House of God (Bayt Allah al-Haram).  The third the Hajj (pilgrim) the best actions to accomplish after fait experiences at Macca, is a unique and an unsurpassed lesson in monotheism. There is also the tremendous feeling of being part of a vast community of believers (Wafd Allah), united and equal in the eyes of God. But more important, it was almost a question of 're­ligious honor' for the Maghribis to make a strong show, in order to demonstrate their deep attachment to Islam. And last but not least, the remembrance of Prophet Muhammad's role and the Quranic revelation had a defi­nite effect on the solidarity of the Muslim Umma.

For the Maghribis in particular, the visit to Madina, the prayer at the Prophet's tomb and that of the com­panions (Sahlba) in the Buqay' had profound religious meanings. Among the Maghribi and Andalusian Hajji, many have sought the spirit of sacrifice as part of the act of purification, for death in the Holy Places is an assured place in Heaven. The number of Maghribi sepulchers in the Hijlz is an eloquent testimony of this ardent desire to be buried in the land of the Prophet. The Malik! Madhhab is particularly insistent on the sub­ject of sacrifice in the accomplishment of the duty of pilgrimage (the Hajj is an obligation to anyone who can walk. The individual must sell everything he owns in order to pay for his sojourn to the Holy Places).

There were of course secondary considerations which encouraged the Maghribis to attempt the arduous and onerous voyage. As a commercial center and a cross­road to the trade route linking the Indies to the Mediterranean, the Hijaz did not play a negligible role. Maghribi traders however did not limit themselves to the Holy Lands. Besides the Arabian Peninsula, Maghribis have engaged in active trading in Egypt and the Levant. Many of them have settled down in various Islamic commercial centers where they formed thriving business communities. Nowhere has the Maghribi presence been felt more, strongly than in Egypt, the final pilgrimage relay on the African continent. Culturally, the Holy Places have acted as a center for intellectual exchanges, breeding and feeding the pilgrims with ideas that have kept not only Arabic cul­ture alive, but have also encouraged religious reformism in the Abode of Islam. Indeed the search for the pur­pose of authenticating Hadith is an important aspect of the "scientific Rihla" (Rihla 'Ilmiyya).

The Hajj also had tremendous political implica­tions, for it was at Macca and Madina that politico-religious ideas from all over Dar al-Islam circulated. Throughout the ages, Muslim monarchs have used the Hajj Caravan   (Rakb al-Hajj) as an important instrument of propaganda. Its main political functions were to un­derline the Calif or the Sultan's greatness and worthi­ness as leader of the Muslim Community and also as protector of the Holy Places. The Caravan was usually led by an Amir al-Hajj, an official named by the ruler and responsible for the safety of the Rakb. The Caravan itself "was organized like a moving city, with the amir, a judge, two notaries a secretary, and an official charged with the care of the animals, another in charge of provisions, a saddler, a chef with a staff of cooks, and even an inspector of weights and measures."

One of the most   notable Hajj Caravans has until recently been the Egyptian Rakb. Beginning in 664/1266 the Egyptian Caravan was accompanied by a Mahmal, a glittering wooden litter, magnificently decorated and containing an embellished copy of the Quran. The Caravan carried the Kiswa or an adorned draping, richly embroidered by Coptic artisans, and destined to cover the Ka'ba. The departure of the Mahmal from Egypt was always accompanied by great festivities which often degenerated into orgiastic celebrations. The Mammal itself, which captivated the imagination of the exalted populace, came to be venerated with great ecstatic emotions.

The Mahmal was viewed as a relic to be adored and touched for the purpose of Baraka, as was the Henna tainted camel that carried it. The Maghribi Rakb (Rakb al-Hajj al-Maghribi) would customarily assemble at Fez where pilgrims from around the Sharifian Empire and as far as Sijilmasa would congregate; while heading for Cairo, the Moroccan Rakb would then be joined by the Caravans of Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli. Sometimes the various Rakb would travel alone this happened quite frequently on the way back from the Hijaz. As for the number of Maghribi pil­grims that formed these caravans, it varied with time anywhere fromlj500 to 12,000 Hajji. There were also a few pilgrims who traveled by sea, often using Christian ships commissioned for the purpose of transporting pilgrims to Alexandria. Their number increased following the decadence of the Maghribi Rakb coinciding with the French Conquest of Algeria in 1830.

Needless to say, the voyage whether by caravan or by sea was a hazardous undertaking at best.   The dangers of an attack by rampaging bedouins were real and occurred quite frequently. While the Egyptians depended on a military escort for their safety, the Maghribis preferred to arm themselves to the teeth. When they camped, they usually formed small circles of tents around the camp of Amir al-Rakb al-Maghrib, each circle repre­senting a region or a city in Morocco (Figuig, Tafilalt, Fez, Marrakech). Upon their arrival in Cairo, most Maghribi pil­grims would stay at the Mosque of Ibn Tulun. The wealthy and the 'Ulama' preferred to remain in the vicin­ity of al-Azhar Mosque, where they sought the company of other scholars.

The voyage from Cairo to Macca took approximately forty days. The itinerary of course varied with time, depending on the ruler and the political climate. The Ottomans in particular have paid much attention to the organization of Caravanserai (rest house) along waterholes. Upon leaving Cairo, the Mahmal would normally head towards the Northeast stopping at al-Raydlniyya and at Birkat al-Hajj. Traditionally the Moroccan Rakb would leave Cairo a day after the Egyptian Mahmal, thus forming what L'Abbé le Mascrier calls "L'arrière garde." Their intention was perhaps not to mingle with the Egyptians for whom they had very little regard. From Birkat al-Hajj, the Caravan would move for 'Ajrud, a few miles away from Suez, where the pilgrims would take in fresh stores.

From Suez, the Mahmal would either head East across the desert towards al-Nakhl, by following the Darb al-Hajj or go southward to Mab'uq or Mabghuq. From there the Caravan would rejoin the Darb al-Hajj trail leading to 'Aqaba. 'Aqaba was considered by the Maghribi pilgrims as the beginning of their passage to the Hijaz. From 'Aqaba, the Caravan would travel approximately four weeks through an arduous terrain in order to reach Macca. Understandably, the whole venture inspired some of the best minds among the Maghribi Hajji to relate their perilous journey to the East in a literary genre which became, known as 'Rihla'. Aside from the valuable  historical and geographical descriptions found in the 'Rihla', there is also an equally important psycho­logical facet, quite revealing in regards to the posture adopted by the Maghribis towards their coreligionists in the Mashriq.    Indeed this aspect alone can explain the quasi nationalistic tendencies exhibited by the Maghribis in the Near East; their unyielding stand on religious matters which tended to demonstrate their bet­ter attachment to the Sunna, their contemptuous remarks in relation to certain customs judged as odious innova­tions, as well as the degree of their receptivity to radical politico-religious movements. The Maghribi soul, in the Rihlat literature, is fully uncovered.

B.    The Rihla 

The 'Rihla Literature' was born out of travelers (Rahhala) seeking knowledge and/or engaged in trade or performing the Hajj in the Hijaz. Perhaps because of the geographical position of the Maghrib, coupled with the natural predisposition of its scholars for compara­tive observations, and their deep desire to bring back to their countrymen a thorough description of their journey to the land of the Prophet, Maghribi Rahhalla have been unequaled in that field. They have developed with time the art of relating their peripeteia in a par­ticular style (Fan Adab al-Rihlat), filled with valuable socio-political remarks dealing with the everyday life in a given country.    

Relations concerned with the Hijaz have taken of course a prevalent place in the Rihla accounts of the Maghribis for obvious religious reasons. In the process, our Rahhalla have inscribed numerous statements delineating-their personal reactions to certain aspects of their contact with the Mashriq, not found in traditional history texts. It is true that many of these observations are tendentious and translate the author's own insecurity and susceptibility. However, they are often free of the propaganda rhetoric invariably used by historians attached to some dynasties.

The Rihla is almost comparable to a diary of travels or more accurately an 'itinerario' where minute details are scrupulously mentioned from the first day of the caravan's departure down to the last stop. Every possible bit of information dealing with the people of the countries visited, villages and cities, the weather, plus a score of incidents or tragedies incurred during the perambulation is faithfully registered. The oldest known 'Rihla' is that of the Andalusian Abu Bakr b. al-'Arabi (468/1076-543/1148) but his work on the subject has been lost. However Ibn Jubayr's Rihla is the most, ancient recorded to date.

Abu al-Hassan Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Jubayr al-Kinani al-Andalusi al-Shatibi al-Balansi, otherwise known as Ibn Jubayr (540/1144-614/1217) performed his pil­grimage in 578/1182.   The latter is widely recognized as the founder of the literary genre of Rihlat, and his style has been unmatched since. The accuracy of his observations and the details he gives about Macca and Mad ma are quite remarkable. Besides his description of the oldest copy of the Quran attributed to the third Rashidi Calif Uthman, as well as the Maliki library within the sacred Mosque, Ibn Jubayr gives us detailed informa­tion about the state of lawlessness in the Hijaz and the exploitation of pilgrims by unscrupulous profiteers. There is also a vivid description of the arrival of the Amir of Macca 'Isa Abu Mukthir to the gates of the Mosque, as well as that of Amir al-Rakb al-'Iraqi. However, as a true Maghribi 'nationalist, Ibn Jubayr insists that only the Maghrib (Andalusia included) knows true Islam.

Another well known Maghribi author is the Ceutan Ibn Rushayd al-Andalusi (Muhammad b. 'Umar b. Muhammad al-Fihri (657/1258-721/1321) who performed his pilgrimage around the year 683/1284. But more important is another Ceutan known as Abi al-Qasim al-Tajibi (al-Qasim b. Yusuf b. Muhammad al-Sabti (d. 770/1329). The latter accomplished his duty of Hajj in the year 696/ 1296). Al-Tajibi is greatly amazed at the way the people of the Mashriq recite the Quran, particularly the Egyptians. He also confirms Ibn Jubayr's report regarding the Five Imams of the various Madhahib. Ibn Batuta's Rihla to the East is of course a masterpiece. Known as 'Shaykh al-Rahhalin' and Shams al-Din, Abu 'Abd 'Allah Muhammad b. Abdellah b. Muhammad b. Ibrahim al-Lawati al-Tanji, known as Ibn Batuta (703/1304-770/1369), was a native of Tangier, and spend 28 years of his life traveling throughout the Muslim East. He was also named Qadi of the Moroccan Rakb to the Hijaz. 

Ibn Batuta gives us an interesting description of the ceremony of the Egyptian Mahmal. His detailed account of his arrival to Madina and his impressions of the Prophet's Mosque are also quite revealing. Like his predecessors, Ibn Batuta is also very meticulous in his narration of Macca, its gates and domes as well as the Kaaba. He also gives us valuable information of the House of the Malik Imam of the time, Abdellah Muhammad b. Abi Zayd b. Abd al-Rahman. We are also informed that Macca was under the Sharifianship of two brothers: As'ad al-Din Raimitha and Sayf al-Din 'Atifa sons of Abi Nama b. Abi Sa'ad b. Abi Qutada al-Hassani. His description of the arrival of the Amir of Macca with his sons and escort is as vivid as that of Ibn Jubayr. The people of Macca farewell in Ibn Batuta's comparisons (cleanliness and good temper), but in his conclusion Ibn Batuta reasserts the superiority of the Maghrib over the Muslim East in matters of religion, good government and prosperity. 

Al-'Abdari is of course one of the last Rahhal of the caliber of Ibn Jubayr and Ibn Batuta. His criticism of the East is perhaps the most severe. What is striking in al-'Abdari's writing is his deep pessimism coupled with an unmistakable feeling of abhorrence at the state of affairs in the Muslim East. His ability to write poetry adds another dimension to the impression of despondency his Rihla conveys. The sense of unease toward certain answerable innovations practiced in the Mashriq is tangible everywhere. The decadence that has begun to engulf Dar al-Islam is depicted with rare perspicuity.

Like his predecessors, al-'Abdari is very meticulous in his description of his arrival to Macca, the building of the sacred Mosque, and a score of his­torical details and legends pertaining to the origins of the Kaaba, the sanctuary, the spring of Zamzam, etc. Al-'Abdari is also careful in his disquisition about duties and ways of the Hajj (Arkân wa Manâsik al-Hajj: al-Ihrâm, al-Sa'i, al-Waqf bi 'Arafa, Tawâf al-Ifada). Then ensues a thorough account on al­oe Madina and the Prophet's Mosque, followed by an encomium on the Prophet. The origins of the Mosque are then retraced according to religious tradition. Throughout his detailed narration, however, we also learn something of the life in the Hijâz, particularly in Macca; his description of the mob stampeding through the gates of the sanctuary is almost Dantesque (...wa'ala dukhul al-Ka'ba tara al-rijal yatasaqatun ala al-nisa' wa al-nisa' yatasaqatun 'ala al-rijal wa yaltaf al-ba'd bi al-ba'd wa yata'ahhabun li al-qital).

His depiction of the religious fervor of the populace, touching, rubbing, and licking the blackstone as well as the mass hysteria around the well of Zamzam is equally grotesque. Al-'Abdarx has nothing but contempt for these "Bida' wa Manakir" as he calls them. He is par­ticularly appalled by the dirt that is disgracing the Holy Mosque (as black as a kitchen), and the little care people take of the most sacred places matters of religious decisions.  Another incident in­volving the Maghrib! Rakb with the Maccans is also in­dicative of the tension that existed between dogmatists on both sides.

In his Taj al-Mafriq, al-Balawi translates the fears of Dar al-Islam concerning the crusades. How­ever, his descriptions of the Haram and Madina are not as thorough and vivid as his precursors. What is interesting in his Rihlat are his caustic remarks on the people of the Mashriq for their haughtiness, and urges the Mahgribis to rid themselves of their inferiority complex when dealing with the Easterners. The Rihla Literature in the Maghrib is resurrected with Ibn Malih, who went to Macca ca. 1040/1630, the Nasiri Masters Sidi al-Hasan b. Mas'ud Abl 'Al al-Yusi (d. 1102/1691) and Abu Salim al-'Ayyashi. But the new breed of Rahhala is different from its predecessors. For one thing many of the Rahhala are mystics whose Rihla deal mainly with mysticism rather than with socio-political relations. Most Rahhala, with the exception perhaps of al-'Ayyashi, are more concerned with their Ijaza (diplomas) and mystical Isnld (chain of transmission) than with analytical descriptions of their voyage. The object of their Rihla is to show the number of Shaykhs they had the privilege to learn under.

By far the best known Rahhala of the seventeenth century is al-'Ayyashi (1038/1628-1909/1679). Although his Ma' al-Mawa'id (al-Rihla al-'Ayyashiyya) is a who's who encyclopedia of the world of Muslim theology and Sunnism, the Rihla, as mentioned earlier, is a valu­able historical document on the itinerary of the Maghribi Rakb to Mace a in the seventeenth century. His observations on the geography and the society of the Hijaz are important. True, al-'Ayyashi's style is somewhat mannered, a sign of the time, despite his obvious competence in the classical Arabic language; but upon sober reflection, he has the wonderful ability to pleasantly inform his readers, without the surrealist and hallucinatory manner of Abu 'Ali al-Hassan b. Mas'ud al-Yusi (1041/1631-1103/1691). His description of the Maghribi Rakb's arrival to Macca is quite colorless if one compares it to Ibn Jubayr's for example. Nonetheless, al-'Ayyashi does not neglect to mention something on the other caravans around. He also confirms the general prudish and formalist attitude of the Maghribi in the accomplish­ment of   his   devotional duties which were sometimes carried, out apart from the rest of the pilgrims.

Al-'Ayyashi has difficulties in hiding his exas­peration at not being able to hear the Khutba due to a shouting mob (Su'arb nun darb wa shatm bi al-alfaz). In al-Madina, he takes umbrage at the vociferous Egyp­tian contingent and its trumpet blasting when celebrat­ing the Feast. He is particularly ireful at the Egyp­tian women who mingle with men immodestly. He then con­cludes sententiously, "Wa bi al-jumla fa ‘awwam al-Misriyyin min ab'ad al-ghawgha' 'an isabat al-sawab." Al-'Ayyashi's account of the Sharif of Macca, Zayd b. Hassan is rather laudatory “Hidha al-amir min ahsan umara' 'asrihi siyasatan wa husn tadbir." After a brief account of the Sharif's antecedent, we learn that the latter had rescinded his professed Zaydism for Sunnism (Hanafi) and this despite the tremendous pressure he endured from his House. His courage and magnanimousness became legendary. As for the Maghribi Rakb, it had been treated with deference by the Sharif's men and without the customary abuses and unwarranted levies. Traditionally, informs al-'Ayyashi, anyone who did not comply with the demands would be jailed for the duration of the Hajj ("Hubisa hatta yafutuhu al-Hajj").

As a cultured man, al-'Ayyashi explored the li­braries in the Hijaz because as he put it, the Rihla must also be instructive ("Qasd al-mu'allif bi hadhihi al-rihla an takun diwan ilm"). He describes the rare books at Sultan Qayt Bey's library. He also deplores the destruction of Abi Mahdi 'Isa al-Tha'alabi's private collection by the 1073/1662 flooding. His enumeration of the learned men he had the privilege of meeting is rather informative. His panegyric of the Shadhili, Naqshbandi and Shuhrawardi Tariqas is also indicative of his strong Sufi leanings. However his criticism of the 'Ulama' of the Mashriq is morda-cious, for as he sees it, juridical positions can only be obtained through bribery: "Wa al-hasil inna al-manasib al-shar'iyya kulluha fi al-bilad al-Mashriqiyya, Hijazan wa Misran wa Shaman min imama wa khitaba wa adhan wa imana wa qada' wa fatwa wa shahada... tunal bi al-shara min al-wilat…"

Al-'Ayyashi’s exegesis on Hanbalism and Ash'arism is an interesting one. After exposing the reasons for which the Hanbalis were accused by the other Madhahib of Tajsim (Anthropomorphism) and the Ash'arites of Kalam (Rationalism) al-'Ayyashi exonerates the Hanbaliya by describing them as strict followers of the doctrines of the four orthodox schools and of the literal interpretation of the Quran ("wa innama al-qawm[Han­balis] mutamassikun bi madhahib kubara' al-muhaddithln ... wa bi zawahir al-kitab"). He also argues in favor of Ash'arism ("al-Ash'ariyya mutamadhhabun bi madhhab ahl al-sunna wa al-jama'a"). He then asserts that all followers of Malikism are also Ash'arite ("La yujad Maliki ghayr Ash'ari").

In the eighteenth century, the number of Maghribi Rahhala increases quantitatively if not qualitatively. Abderrahman b. Abi al-Qasim al-Ghannami who performed his Hajj in 1141/1729, wrote a somewhat prosaic Rihla. His work in fact is more of a manual or better yet, a tour guide to the Holy Places for the prospective Hajji, than a travel narration. al-Ghannami insists on the importance of the Hajj as the surest path to heaven. The Sufi theme of Purity in the accomplishment of the rites is particular underlined. The author continues with a lengthy enumeration of the multiple gates surrounding the compounds of the Holy Shrine. He does make a minor attempt to inform us on the books found in the City of the Prophet, but seems to attach a greater importance on tomb visitation in al-Madina. Abu Muhammad al-Sharqi b. Muhammad al-Ishaq's Rihla is a more elaborate one. His travel narrative is somewhat reminiscent of al-'Ayyashi's for its wide variety of details ranging from his marked abhorrence for the nomads of the Hijaz, whom he calls "Shayatin al-'Arab al-mutalassissin," to his account of the dismounting of the Egyptian Mahmal at Yanbu’ al-Nakhil.

Al-Ishaqi, who accomplished his pilgrimage in 1143/1730, that is three years after Mawlay Ismail’s death, tells us about the Sultan's spouse performing her duty that year and who met with the Shurafa' of the Hijaz. The author is particularly lost in amazement at the resemblance of the Shurafa' of the Hijaz to those of Tafilalt. He remarks:

"Wa min al-'ajab anna ha'awll' al-sada mushabihun li shurafa' ahl Tafilalt fl alwanhum jama'athum sumrat al-Hijaz.    wa-Allah laqd ra'aytu sharifan minhum lahu shibh bi mawlana al-sultan Isma'il .

Al-Ishaqi's description of the different Rakb is an informative one, as is his account of the black Kiswa brought back by the Egyptian Mahmal as well as his narration on "Ihram al-Kaaba." His description of the compound of the Kaaba and the Gates is done with the same enumerative style as his forerunners. He also discusses a few problems dealing with the Shari'a and the propriety of certain procedures during the pilgrimage. Al-Ishaqi also emphasizes the importance of al-Madina as the City of Love, and the duty of every Muslim to honor its inhabitants and to visit the tombs of all its saints.

As most Maghribi Rahhala, al-Ishaqi is a vehement critic of the Muslim East, due to conflicting reactions to certain practices deemed unorthodox and deviationist. However, what is new in al-Ishaqi's trenchant polemic is a statement he makes regarding the state of knowledge in the Mashriq which he pessimistically dismisses as decadent of not altogether absent. The people of the Hijaz, claims al-Ishaq, are "A'ajim," that is "Barbarians," who have no heart and know no religion. He then remarks laconically that Islam exists only in the Maghrib, because its people strictly follow Malikism (fi al-furu') and Ash'arism (fi al-'aqida), which has enabled them to avoid religious aberrations, unlike the Mashriq where "Bida', wa firaq dalla, wa shiya'..." are everywhere to be found; Maghribi 'Ulama', adds al-Ishaqi, are free from preposterous dogmatic inter­pretations, but know instead their Fiqh, Usul, Tafsir (commentaries) and i'rab (grammar).

Al-Ishaqi is followed by Ibn Abl Madin al-Dar'i (d. 1157/1744). The latter follows the same field 152 153 of inquiry regarding the Kaaba, the Well of Zamzam, and al-Madina and its people. He also discusses the acute problem of security in the Hijaz, where marauding Bedouins are constantly threatening the lives of the pilgrims. Al-Dar'i's Rihla, however, focuses on the impor­tance of the Prophet's sepulcher (Fa maqbarat al-al-Madina la maqbara 'ala wajh al-ard ashraf minha), as well as the burial ground of the Prophet's family and companions. His beatific narration of his prayer and lamentation at Fatima's tomb is rendered with mystical effusion and lyricism reminiscent of al-Yusi or his disciple Ibn Zakur (d. 1120/1708). The eighteenth century saw also an increase in the acquisition of books from the Muslim East, particularly from Cairo, by Maghribi scholars.

However, in regard to the amount of Rihlat in the following century, one witnesses a dramatic decline due to the political tur­moil facing Dar al-Islam, namely the Wahhabi Revolution and Napoleon's invasion of Egypt and the Levant. None­theless, the few Rihlat that were written in that period do reflect the preoccupation of the Maghribi Rahhala with the aforementioned events, events which jolted the conscience and thinking of the Muslim community, engendering astringent polemics.

Sidi Muhammad b. Abd al-Salam al-Dar'i al-Nasiri's (d. 1239/1823) al-Rihla al-Kubra, differs from the other Rihlat in at least two respects. First al-Nasiri tends to be more objective when reporting certain facts, and indeed criticizes both al-'Abdari's and al-Ayyashi's narrow-mindedness. The frantic bigotry that other Rahhala before him have expressed is almost absent, although his criticism of the Muslim East, often justified, is somewhat graphic. His reprobation for example of the habit the Mashriqis (Mashariqa) have of drinking coffee, considered by many as an intoxicant, is rather trenchant. His judgment on some 'Ulama of his time is no less incisive. But al-Nasiri symbo­lizes the new generation of purificationist 'Orthodox' Sufi, unyielding censor of mores, uncompromising in his strictness in religious matters even violent in his call to puritanism and reform. Secondly, al-Nasiri does not repeat what other Rahhala have reported before him, but instead attempts to give his own interpretation of the events he outlines.

Al-Nasiri's Rihla does mention the acquisition of important books from the Mashriq for the benefit of private libraries in Morocco. His geographical observations on the different regions of the Hijaz are rendered with discernment. His enumeration of the various Arabic dialects spoken by the A'arab (nomads) of the Peninsula, demonstrates his inquisitive nature, he is weary of the nomads' belligerent attitude and their unsurpassed ignorance (al-tawaghul fi al-fahsh wa al-jahl). We are also told that the Sharif of Macca, Surur b. Musa’id (1186/1774 - 1202/1787) had little power outside the gates of the city; al-Nasiri then asks himself certain questions regarding the religious and political implications of the lack of order which could adversely affect the Hajj.

Al-Nasiri is also among the first Rahhala to mention the Wahhabi insurrection. He seems to agree with its proponents, at least in principle, for to him law, order, and stability are paramount for the realization of the perfect Muslim Community. Al-Nasiri appears to condone the use of force to eradicate the Bid'a so common among the nomads. His position on this issue is strangely in agreement with the Sultan Mawlay Sulayman's, whose desire was to extirpate blameworthy innovations prevalent among ignorant Berber tribes. It is the perennial conflict between the Shari'a and the 'Urs ("wa a'rab al-Hijaz al-yawm tanaluhum al-ahkam al-shariyya"). Moreover, the anarchy and destruction resulting from the fratricidal conflict between the Sharif forces and the Wahhabi's is vividly depicted to point out the urgency of the situation in the Holy Places.

Besides al-Nasiri we have three other Rahhala of some stature; there are Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Wahhab Ibn Uthman al-Fasi (d. 1213/1799), the historian Abu Qasim al-Zayyani (1147/1734 - 1249/1833), and the Algerian Abu al-Ras al-Mu'askari al-Nasiri (1165/1752-1239/1824). All three Rahhala traveled extensively in the Muslim East and even in Europe (Ibn 'Uthman al-Zayyani). The echoes of the Wahhabi uprising and the troubled state of affairs in the Arabian Peninsula are explicitly depicted and interpreted. With the exception of Ibn Uthman whose position is more neutral, both al-Zayyani and Abu al-Ras al-Nasiri were obstreperously anti-Wahhabi. In both instances, the Wahhabis are portrayed as recusant or Kharijites (Qawm min al-Abadiyya, ta'ifa min al-Rafida, etc.).

As we have seen, our Maghribi Rahhala's task in writing their Rihlat was to inform. It could be said that they did not fail in their avocation. The aston­ishing ability of some to produce works of unexampled beauty and creativity cannot mask the fact that whether through reverie, cold reason, or mystic inspiration, all Rahhala have labored to produce a valuable addition to the literature, of their time. But more important, each Rahhala has served as a one-man pioneer, attempt­ing to bridge the gap between East and West. Inevitably, personal feelings and reflexes were injected into their writing, making it the more valu­able, for it translated a rather typical Maghribi stand vis-a-vis the Muslim East: an instinctive religious indebtedness and acknowledgment coupled with a tradi­tionally suspicious and ethnocentric mind that the Iberian crusades helped perpetuate.

Despite their generally pungent criticism of the Mashariqa and their objectionable customs ('Adat), added to the precariousness of traveling conditions, the Maghribis continued to look to the East for inspira­tion, particularly in the religious sphere. The catalyst for all that followed was the Haramayn (the Holy Places), often if not always the focal point of the Rihlat. The revival of the Mohammediya Sufi movement in the Maghrib and Hadith in the eighteenth century in the Hijaz and in Egypt, was the result of a joint Maghribi-Mashriqi effort at purifying Islam. After all, popular Sufism had infected the minds of Maghribis and Mashriqis alike, hence the oppo­sitional movements to it sprung from all regions of Dar al-Islam. 

The Maghrib Rahhala-Fuqaha'-Sufis have acted as go betweens, contributing and learning, but mostly sus­taining the religious bonds between the Maghrib and the Mashriq. If their judgments on certain issues seemed undeservedly severe, it was often due to their uncom­promising religious ardor, kneaded by centuries of strict Maliki Fiqh. Upon their arrival to the East, the Maghribi Rahhala who had always glorified the House of the Prophet and his descendents, found that Sharifism car­ried little weight in the Mashriq. Moreover, they found that the supreme position of the Caliphate was in the hands of 'A'ajim, an anathema in their eyes. Even the language of the Quran was not as widely spoken. It is no wonder, then, that Moroccans in particular felt a certain pride in their origins and in their Sultan, a true Sharif and Commander of the Faithful. It created in them the feeling of being a part of a true Muslim community, under a vigilant shield, that of Malikism.

It was not only as Maliki that most Maghribi Rahhala reacted, when reporting the resounding events of the Wahhabiyya Da'wa, but also as intellectual Sufis shocked at being labeled heretics by its defenders. Advocate of a pure Islamic monotheism themselves (so they thought), most Maghribi Rahhala, as the majority of Muslims did, rejected what they perceived to be a "Reign of Terror" that the Wahhabis allegedly adopted to further their cause. Nonetheless, Wahhabism survived despite the wide­spread opposition it faced. In spite of the longstand­ing grudge most Muslims bore the Movement, the latter had started an irreversible trend, that of a militant Islamic Reformism.  The tremors were to be felt in Delhi as well as in Fez.