The Reawakening of Morocco: Sidi Mohammed ibn Abdellah, the 'Enlightened Monarch'

 

By Dr. El Nasser Rachid Abdallah (1983)

Unpublished Ph.D Thesis, "Morocco from Kharijism to Wahhabism: the Quest for Religious Purism "

To the period of anarchy (al-Fitna al-Kubra) that followed Mawlay Isma'il’s death, supervened a rehabilitation epoch under the aegis of Sidi Mohammed b.  Abdellah 1170/1757-1204/1790) who was chosen to succeed his father's ill-starred rule. Sidi Mohammed vigorously advocated the strengthening of the faltering 'Alawite dynasty, and after seizing power, sought to recast the whole state apparatus into a cogent instrument capable of realizing his dream: The creation of an effective army but not a pretorian guard; the setting up of an efficient administration   capable of sustaining itself through various means, such as extra Quranic taxes, and foreign trade, rather than on mere tax collection; and finally to reintegrate Morocco into a more militant Islamic Sultanate, closely attuned in creed and cult with the Ahl al-Hadith movement in Egypt and the Haramayn. 

Few men of his time were as well placed to realize the need for a strong moral regeneration of the Sharifian Empire, torn by thirty years of civil strife; and with exception of his son Mawlana Abu al-Rabi'a Sulayman, few tried as he did to carry through measures for reform that would strengthen Sunnism on fresh grounds. But then Sidi Mohammed reflected the spirit of an era in deep religious reformulation. His advent symbolized the "cyclic recur­rence" of Islamic reform as expounded by Abu Dawud and Ibn Hanbal, determined to break the narrow teaching of the Jurists. Sidi Mohammed had all the virtues of a grand Sul­tan. He was pious, intelligent and above all a skillful diplomat. His glorious name of Mohammed b. Abdellah made him appear as the long awaited Mahdi. At a time when Morocco's ruling dynasty was being torn apart by rival interest groups, affiliations and loyalties, the world of learning was unable to extract itself from the inadequacies of its embalmed traditionalism, re­peatedly challenged not so much by a reformist current as by the stubbornly aboil, representatives of the 'popu­lar orders' (Maraboutism i.e. territorialism, factionalism and dissidence).

For this in fact is the problem Sidi Mohammed set out to tackle: if the 'Alawite Empire was to continue to exist, a new approach to its problems and fresh solutions would have to be injected. The idea of using an "East-ernized Islam", as opposed to a "static official Islam" (conservative Malikism) as a concept, an ideology to justify his approach to politico-religious regeneration, occupied his reign. His rediscovered revivalism was to be directed and implemented from above, and not by the whim of the mitigated Fuqaha', thus leading to a firmer source of central authority based on al-Hukm al-Shar'i and enforced by the supreme Imam:    Sidi Mohammed. But like his predecessors, Sidr Mohammed found him­self also in competition with the Sufi Orders which felt threatened by the restructuring of the social order. Outside his realm, Sidi Mohammed had to contend with the Christian powers. But here again he approached the challenge with a mixture of diplomacy and open trade alternated with Jihad. Although successful, his methods were often hampered by natural cataclysm (the six year drought 1190/1776-1196-1782 and pestilence) forcing a shift in population from the mountains down to the plains and a northward push by southern nomads.

It is to Sidi Mohammed's efforts at finding a solution to the socio-religious problems of his empire outside the narrow framework of Maliki Fiqh and to Morocco's forced relations with Europe that we shall now turn.

A. Economic and Religious 'Dirigisme'

The newly elected al-Sultan al-Mujaddid Sidi Mohammed had a strikingly typical upbringing. Born in Meknes around the year 1134/1721, he grew up in Tafilalt, the power base of the dynasty. Tall and handsome by most accounts, he was known for his spartan frugality, pristine simplicity and moderation.       However foreign observers depicted him as immensely greedy and cruel toward his adversaries. Married young, his first wife, Amina bint Mawlaria al-Rashid b. al-Sharif was much older and as a result he soon divorced her. Early on Sidi Mohammed developed an acute interest in Islamic history and literature; he attained a high level of competence in both fields making him aware of Morocco's place in the history of Islam. His favorite book in Moroccan history was al-Fishtali’s Manahil al-Safa' where he enjoyed reading about the exploits of his hero, Sultan Ahmad al-Mansur al-Sa'dl (986/1578-1012/1603). He later emulated al-Mansur in 'every way' especially in his intellectual circles. He could also mention proverbs and recite al-Isfahani’s Kitab al-Aghani's poems at will.

However, Sidi Mohammed's pilgrimage to Macca (1145/ 1732) with his grandmother Khunatha b. Bakkar al-Maghfari (d. 1159/1746) accompanied by Qadi Abu al-Qasim al-'Umayri and al-Wazir al-Sharqi al-Ishaqi (d. 1150/1737) author of a Rihla, made a deep impression on him. Soon after Sidi Mohammed found a new source of joy in immersing himself in the study of Hadith and its interpretation.

Sidi Mohammed's religious training however could not have been achieved without the supervision of eminent teachers such as Shaykh Abderrahman b. Idriss al-Manjara al-Hassani and his brother Abdellah, Shaykh Abderrahman Abdellqadir Abu Khurays, Faqih Ali b. Idriss al-Firali, Faqih Ahmad Zarruq and Mohammed al-Kamil al-Rashidi, among others; later on, while a Khalifa at Marrakech, Sidi Mohammed gathered his former teachers and other notable Muhaddith particularly shaykh Ahmad b. 'Uthman of Meknes, al-Tahir al-Salawi, Mohammed b. Abderrahman al-Tadili and 'Abd al-Salam b. Abu'Azza Harakat in a group which marked the inception of a spirited Ahl al-Hadith movement in Morocco.

In regards to politics, Sidi Mohammed had his ini­tiation started at an early age, He was personally en­trusted with the task of quelling revolts such as the one is Sus led by al-Talib Salih then in control of Agadir, that of Pasha Ahmad al-Rifi in 1156/1743 or still the one which involved the 'Abids of Meknes in 1163/1749. Sidi Mohammed's governorship of Marrakech (1158/1745-46 to 1170/1756) demonstrated his shrewd organiza­tional skills, for it was there as a Khalifa that he learned the subtleties of Moroccan politics. Marrakech had until then been, neglected due to the preponderance of Fez and Meknes. The Rahamna were virtually in con­trol of the city and refused at first to acknowledge Sidi Mohammed’s governorship, forcing him to retreat to Safi. But there, Sidi Mohammed was able to rally the A'mar and the 'Abda, traditionally the rivals of the Rahamna, and with the money collected from customs at the port of Safi, he carried the latter to his side.

Once in control of Marrakech, he tightened his grip on the warring, tribal confederations, rebuilt the city and went on to pacify the Sus and the Shawiya. It was while on a military campaign that he learned of his father's demise. The 'election' of Sidi Mohammed signaled the cul­mination of one process in 'Alawite politics and the beginning of another.    Upon seizing control of the empire, the 'Alawite monarch attempted to reduce the tension by making as few changes as possible in the government apparatus. The treasury that his father had left behind under the safekeeping of al-qa'id 'Allai b. Mas'ud, was healthy enough to enable Sidi Mohammed to make the usual gratifications and buy off allegiances.

His mood was conciliatory, for the country was in no shape for added turmoil. However Sidi Mohammed was perspicacious enough to presume that his predecessors had mostly failed in their attempt to maintain the status quo, and that the country's new realities called for stringent modifica­tions and reforms. The empire was in dire need of revenues, and a more reliable army. Although a firm believer in centralization, Sidi Mohammed began appointing governors on the basis of their local popularity as well as on their proven integrity. He nominated for example Qaid al-'Arabi al-Mistiri al-Ribati (d. 1192/1778) to Rabat, Qaid al-Hussayn al-Murrakushi to Marrakech and Mohammed b. Ahmad al-Dukkali to the Dukkala region, while Abderrahman Fannish al-Salawi was entrusted with the Qaidship of Sale. He also delegated the office of vizier to a relative, Idriss al-Muntasir (d. 1184/1770).

An office of Amin al-Umana' was also created which was responsible for the supervision of the finances of the Bayt al-Mal of each coastal city and other major towns. This office became crucial during Sidi Mohammed's overture to foreign trade. In order to augment the Makhzan's resources, Sidi Mohammed had no qualm in issuing, with the help of the Ulama, several Fetwas legalizing non-Quranic taxes. But the measures no way solved the Makhzan's chronic shortage of revenues. He then began to look to­wards foreign trade which he believed could add to the Makhzan's coffer, provided it was kept under tight con­trol. Consequently, Sidi Mohammed inaugurated a new ap­proach to Moroccan-European commercial relations, trig­gered also by growing European imperialism as well as by the "decline of the position of the Maghrib in interna­tional trade with the difficulties encountered by piracy. He enthusiastically encouraged mercantile contacts with Europe, but on his own terms; that is turning foreign trade into an important if not major source of earnings, through various tax and custom duties on the pre-determined value of goods.

The southern coastal region of the empire was al­ready very active, and the Christian nations traded feverishly with the regional powers of the interior (e.g. Zawiyas of Nasiriyya and Tazerwalt), thus undercutting the Makhzan. He consequently decided to erect at Mogador (al-Sawira) a 'neutral' port which would be on the topic of trade with the Christian powers controlled by Makhzan agents (usually Jewish intermedi­aries enabling Muslims to avoid undesirable contacts with the Christians), and who in turn would regularize and monopolize trade, including the illegal flow of arms, while concentrating the foreign merchants in one place. Hence, on one level, it was an action expected to promote prosperity.   On a more strategic plane it was designed as a political instrument to deter domestic turmoil and illegal arms trade, in a region always ripe for sedition. And on its most basic level, Sidi Mohammed's trading policy initiative was the logical outgrowth of an agonizing and perennial struggle to support the often beleaguered Makhzan and draw a line against further European commercial penetration.

The town of Mogador (renamed al-Sawira), originally a Portuguese town-fortress was founded in 1178/1764-65 and within ten years became the main trading outlet of the empire. It served as both a bonded warehouse for the trans-Saharan trade as well as a European enclave supplanting Agadir, Safi and even Sale'. Indeed Mogador became a melting pot seaport resembling an Italian mercantile republic, though by no means an autonomous urban community; in effect it was to become a "pre-colonial port town. The new town of Mogador emerged as "the spatial implementation of a royal plan where the geographical distance from the Makhzan (Marrakech) was minimal enough to enable the latter to control the city's social structure.' Makhzan officials along with the town's Jews were to ensure the dynasty's dominance over trade (exports: perfumes, wax, almonds, dates, wool, cotton, copper, livestock imports: firearms, coffee, tea, manufactured goods). But by the same token, the prosperity and indeed the very existence of the state… became directly dependent on an activity dominated by foreigners. While custom chiefs and market inspectors grew even more powerful, because of their control over the town's local production and commercial transactions, Christian and Jewish intermediaries became closely iden­tified with the European powers' economic interests, at the expense of Morocco's interests.

 

Mogador

By the turn of the XVIII century, there clearly was a small but active westernized Jewish bourgeoisie (e.g. the Guedalla family, the Abdurrahman, the Akrish). Some even became powerful vizirs at the court; such was the case of Elie Levi, who held the office of Sahib al-Sultan.       Moreover, the favorable treatment given to the Jews by various western Jewish organizations as well as the protection and capitulatory rights the former derived from the representatives of the European powers, when threatened with expropriation by the Makhzan, was to create a great amount of tension.

The 'Ulama for their part had opposed the concen­tration of Christians in any Moroccan city, but Sidi Mohammed muzzled their criticism by installing a group of noted Fasi 'Ulama'  in Mogador headed by Qadi Ahmad vent the insidious effect of the Europeans* presence nor their attempt to dictate to the Makhzan its trading poli­cies, by forcing it to allow more manufactured goods into the country, while favoring a cash economy*this policy brought the country to a total dependence on imported goods such as tea and sugar; key farm goods from domestic markets became harder to sell and thus sagged.

Initially however, Sidi Mohammed's 'dirigisme' was intended to spur government-sponsored commercial ex­changes. Various exemptions were given to European ships anchored at Mogador, e.g. an ad valorem tax on mer­chandises entering the realm, usually 10 percent paid in kind and later resold by the Sultan. However, custom rates stipulated by treaties were often, if not always manipulated by the Makhzan. This in turn pre­vented Moroccan merchants from secure and steady profits. Moreover prices for the region's most impor­tant export products fluctuated widely and became more and more dependent on outside demand. The result: a regional economic crisis that shattered the traditional sector, leaving the country ever more vulnerable to out­side interference. It prompted Mawlay Sulayman to close Moroccan ports to European trade incurring the wrath of Moroccan merchants (Tujjar) and Christians alike.

Nevertheless 'dirigisme' at the time was perceived by Sidi Mohammed as both an attribute of authority and a source of prestige (Ni'ma, Majd). It also forced the avid European merchants to compete among themselves to curry favor with the Sultan adding to the latter's sense of power to negotiate. Similarly it weakened the ability of local lords to act independently in their quest for power. As part of his policy to control the country's trade, Sidi Mohammed undertook the task of limiting the economic might as well as the religious reputation of the Lodges. Civil and dynastic strife   in Morocco has invariably favored the appearance of new Maraboutic centers whose claim to fame was based either on Mahdism, sainthood, or Jihad; and every Zawiya had the potential of placing a pretender to the throne. Thus the weakened Makhzan with its unruly army and unreliable tribal allies had to compete both ideologically and economically with the prestigious zawiyas.

Periodically and whenever it had the means the Makhzan would endeavor to undercut the zawiyas' claim to ideological and political supremacy (e.g. the Dilâ'iyya the House of High) and quell what Abdallah Hammoudi calls, "les agents des regroupements et ressaisissements ethniques locaux et régionaux contre la centralisation." But the problem of Hurm or sanctuary that the lodges gave to criminals fleeing the justice of the Sul­tan continued to be a thorny issue which degenerated in fact under Mawlay Sulayman. Periodically and whenever it had the means the Makhzan would endeavor to undercut the zawiyas' claim to ideological and political supremacy (e.g. the Dila’iyya the House of High) and quell what Abdallah Hammoudi calls, "les agents des regroupements et ressaisissements ethniques locaux et régionaux contre la centralisation." But the problem of Hurm or sanctuary that the lodges gave to criminals fleeing the justice of the Sul­tan continued to be a thorny issue which degenerated in fact under Mawlay Sulayman.

However Sidi Mohammed faced a new challenge. A new breed' of peripheral leadership began to emerge whose ideology was no longer based on thaumaturgy, Mahdism or even Jihad. It was centered rather on true 'Ilm and Zuhd in strict accordance with the formal ideological tenets. This of course meant that the zawiya competed on the same ideological level (defense of the Sunna) as the Makhzan, without challenging it openly. The Zawiya al-Nasiriyya of Tamqhrut (of Wadi Dar'a) best symbolized that adamant attitude in the defense    of the Shari'a. The 'orthodox' zawiya of ShadhilT inspiration, re­jected the abstractions of earlier Sufi movements as well as the Taqlid of the 'Ulama', and endeavored to reactualize the fundamentals of Islam by emphasizing the importance of moral regeneration and by reorganiz­ing society along the lines of a more classical period; it also insisted on Ijtihad, Hadith and Fiqh while forbidding the use of music and ecstatic dancing and condemning 'Urf (customary law). The Zawiya al-Nasiriyya dealt also with the contemporaneous problem of trade and usury while maintaining strong ties with the Muslim East. In addition, the Nasiriyyin claimed sharifian descent through the Ma'qilian branch, although they never flaunted their title.

With the growing prestige of Tamagrout, as first a leading center for 'Ilm, the Zawiyat al-Fadl, as it became known, particularly under Ibn Nasir's son and Khalifa Ahmad b. Mohammed (d. 1129/1717) and his successors, grew also into an important commercial center where the Hajj caravans and the trans-Saharan trade converged. Having been able to secure through arbitration the safety of markets and Mawasim, (festivals) and having increased its revenues from contributions, trade, and farming, the Zawiya began attracting more learned Tujjar whose religious views were often 'fundamental-scrip turalist' in nature, thus enabling the prestigious lodge to counter any accusation of heterodoxy emanating from the Makhzan. Undoubtedly such a successful and peripheral Zawiya, with its numerous affiliations, was bound to clash with the interests of the Sultan. Moreover the Zawiya, confident of its reputation, had systematically refused to pronounce the Khutba in the name of the Emperor. On the other hand it had also adopted a phlegmatic neutrality or "neutralité bienveillante'vis-a-vis the Makhzan.

But Sidi Mohammed, anxious to control the Zawiya's fame, began pressuring its Shaykhs to seek accommodation with the Makhzan, and to regulate its trade through Dahlrs (decree) and Imtiyazat (dispensations) in return for public immunity and a renewal of old privileges. The Ait ‘Ata for example Mohammed were encouraged to raid the lodgey internal crises of succession were also exploited and the Sultan's own can­didates were put forth. With its prestige tarnished, the Zawiya had to face periodical shortages in the number of Ziarat and Futuhat (fiscal privileges) and seek the financial help of the Makhzan which would then dispatch its own officials to administer its finances. To ensure centralized control over the Zawiya, officials were rotated from post to post, preventing them from building re­gional power bases. The Zawiya was in fact 'domesti­cated'. By the end of the nineteenth century many Shaykhs of Zawiyas sought the protection of foreign powers (including the Wazzaniya). Since the Zawiya called for the same formal reli­gious tenets as practiced by the elite, Sidi Mohammed himself became an affiliate of the Nasiriya.

On the whole, Sidi Mohammed preferred negotiations to violence. However in the case of the Sharqawi Zawiya of Boujaad, the sultan did not hesitate to obliterate the sanctuary. As an important shrine for pilgrims with a renown seasonal festival, the Zawiya had also a reputation as an important center of learn­ing that went back to the days of al-Wafrani. It also became a prosperous lodge with large estates rival­ing those of the Sultan. Consequently Sidi Mohammed lost no time in denounc­ing the Zawiya as "immoral" for preaching Ash'arism (in accordance with his neo-Hanbali views). He then transferred the Marabout Abu Abdellah Sidi Mohammed al-'Arabi al-Sharqawi (d. 1235/1819) to Marrakech after having leveled a good part of the zawiya in 1200/ 1785.

Sidi Mohammed had yet to face another ideological rivalry, that of the Idrissid Shurafa'. Until the middle of the seventeenth century, the Idrissids, despite their hereditary prestige, did not represent a grave challenge due to their internal divisions and lack of political ambitions. They had traditionally been instrumental in the confirmation of new 'Alawite Sultans, and in return for their spiritual influence their region (Jabala, Rif) and their role as intermedi­aries to the Makhzan, they were given large estates ('Azib) with attractive exemptions.

The situation changed however with the growing prestige, of the Tayyibiyyin/Tuhamiyyin of Wazzan. Although Sidi Mohammed continued to utilize their brokerage particularly during Mawlay al-Yazid's revolt in 1189-1190/1775, and in negotiations with the Dey of Algiers, he also extorted money from them periodi­cally. In 1201/1786 he named Pasha Sa'id b. al-'Ayyashi as 'Amil of Wazzan to supervise the wealth of 120 the Shurafa'. In an effort to control the growth of the number of Shurafa, Sidi Mohammed ordered the updating of the list of the covintry's nobility (Tajdid Kunnash al-Ashraf), in order to unveil those with a false pedigree claiming tax exemption. However those who qualified were given a yearly stipend of 100,000 Mithqal, which was intended to identify them as the Sultan's protégé, thus reducing any volition for political re­vival.

B. Sidi Mohammed: A Mujaddid and a Murshid

In the first years as Sultan, Sidi Mohammed made courageous attempts toward grappling with the empire's endemic problems, However in his approach to Islamic reformism, he demonstrated his extraordinary cognizance and intuition recognizing that if Morocco wanted to play an active role in the defense of the Sunna, it had to de-Morocconize its religious perception. Therefore Jumud had to be combated as well as religious accretions. The bastion of narrow Malikism was of course the Qarawiyyine. It was therefore natural for Sidi Mohammed to initiate his efforts at the Fasi University. Realiz­ing the obsolescence of Islamic training in Morocco, he attempted to correct the traditionalist's failure to make Islamic classicism more intelligible to all.

In a Dhahir dated 1203/1788, Sidi Mohammed along with his intellectual group (Qadi Abu Abdellah b. 'Amir al-Ma'dani al-Tadli, Abderrahman Abu Khurays, al-Kamil al-Rashidl, Mohammed b. al-Mir al-Salawi…) ordered a revitalization program destined to reform the 'Ulama's psittacine teaching. Sidi Mohammed called for a greater emphasis on the original works of the great traditionalists (al-Aqdamin), particularly in matters of Fiqh (Musnad/Masnid of the great imams), where the use of apocry­phal sources and Mukhtasars such as that of Khalil al-Jundi al-Misri had spread since the XIVth century. This in itself was an unprecedented action.

Sidi Mohammed forbade the reliance on Mukhtasars as a sole source of law, and recommended instead the use of commentaries by Bahram al-Kabir, al-Mawwaq, al-Hattab, 'All al-Ajhuri, and al-Khirshi. The study of Mukhtasar Muwatta' Mus'ab was permitted however since the latter is one of the four Tabi'in. The use of Mudawwariat Ibn al-Qasim and Ibn Rushd's al-Bayan wa al-T.ahsil were also strongly urged. Sidi Mohammed ordered also the Fasi 'Ulama' to concentrate on the study of the Quran and its exegesis and the work of early Muhaddithi, such as the two Sahihs of al-Bukhari and Muslim, the Tafsir of al-Hattab and that of al-Mawwaq. He also advocated the reading of al-Qadl 'Iyad's (1083/1672-1149/1736) Kitab al-Shifa' bi Ta'rif Huquq al-Mustafa as well as Jalal al-Din 'Abd al-Rahman al-Suyyuti's (849/1445-911/1505) al-Itqan fi 'Ulum al-Quran.

Sidi Mohammed enjoined his Fuqaha' to comment on the Masharig al-Anwar al-Nabawiyya min Sihah al-Akhbar al-Mustafawiyya of the Indian Muhadith Abu al-Fadl Hassan al-Saghani (577/1181-650/1252). The much celebrated Shaykh al-Jama'a and Mufti Mohammed al-Tawudi b. Suda (1117/1705-1209/1795) was among the three Fuqaha' who participated in the commission. In regard to the Sira, Ibn Sayyid al-Nas al- Ya'muri's work was given preference. In grammar the Sultan called for the study of Ibn Malik's Tatshil and Alfiyya and advocated al-Qazwinl's Idah and the Mutawwal of al-Taftazani, Maqamat al-Hafiri were also included in the curriculum in order to revive and facilitate the use of classical Arabic as a prelude to the thorough understanding, of the Quran. As for the pursuit of 'Ijtihad fi al-Usul', Sidi Mohammed rejected it on the ground that it had already been dealt with by the Salaf.

As a true traditionist, Sidi Mohammed was adamantly opposed to the use of Kalam by Muslim dialecticians as well as to the esoteric interpretation of texts. Sidi Mohammed, like his contemporary Mohammed Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, rejected the Ash'arite doctrine as unorthodox and contrary to the Sunna, and called instead for the sole reliance on the doctrines of the Salaf. The 'Agida of the traditionist Ibn Abi Zayd al-Qayrawani was to become the act of faith or Sunni creed of the realm. Proclaimed he: "Ha ana ash’ari' fi al-maqsud muqaddiman 'aqidat al-shaykh Ibn Abi Zayd al-Qayrawani tabarukan biha’. As a 'reiterator' of the oneness and universality of Islam, Sidi Mohammed wrote a treatise of vulgarization in which he collected the traditions of al-Imam al-Hattab and those of Ibn Abi Zayd al-Qayrawani. The book was to be distributed to the Fuqaha' and the stu­dents alike.

The part of reform about which he was most ambivalent was Sufism. He undoubtedly regarded it as little compatible with the doctrines of the Salaf, for he banned its teaching at the Qarawiyyin and advised people to immerse in it only in the privacy of their homes. But despite his uncompromising stance in matters of strict orthodoxy, Sidi Mohammed, unlike Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, did not reject all forms of Sufism. For one thing he believed in the sanctity of certain Awliya' and conse­quently was an assiduous visitor of Mawlay Abd al-Salam Ibn Mashish's mausoleum, and encouraged the building of shrines. Sidi Mohammed was also affiliated with the Shadhilite Tariqa al-Nasiriya which he considered a strictly orthodox order. In that sense he did not differ from the early Hanbalis who had strong Sufi links nor with the Sufis generation that emerged in the eighteenth century in Egypt and the Haramayn. He also insisted on the study of Shaykh al-Jazouli's Dalail al-Khayrat, which was always recited during military campaigns.  However, Sidi Mohammed was merciless in his effort to undermine the influence of small Maraboutic powers suspected of heterodoxy and dissidence. To counteract their particularist and fissiparous ways, he denigrated them publicly, charging that the Marabouts had espoused a systematic defense of the most primitive type of animism which had paralyzed the country's true Islamic spirit (e.g. the incident of Sidi Ibn 'Ali 'Azuz b. Hussayn 1174/1760): "Kana min ahl al-sirr wa al-zandaqa… wa mukhalif li al-Shari’a”. Other heretics such as the Marabout Abu al-Sukhur from the Ghumara (d. 1172/1758), the imposter Ibn al-Hajj al-Yammuri (d. 1198/1783) or the Da'i al-Kalki were all crushed and executed by the Sultan.      

Foreign visitors have even recorded several instances where Sidi Mohammed executed the heretics with his bare hands. Despite his ardent reforms aid determination to en­force the strict observance of the Sunna, Sidi Mohammed cannot be considered an extremist (Ghuluw) by any means; his campaign for purification was not an inquisition modeled after the Almohads, despite some assertions to the contrary. He for example opposed Sidi Khalil's assertion that a Muslim is liable to capital punishment if he does not perform his prayers.

Sidi Mohammed enjoyed the company of 'Ulama' and often met with them, usually in Marrakech or Fez after the Friday prayer. He also expanded his Ahl al-Hadith group to include Ibn Suda, Imam Abu Zayd 'Abd al-Rahmln al-Manjara al-Hassani al-Fasi (1111/1700-1179/1766) reputed for his Quranic exegesis, Shaykh Mohammed b. 'Uthman al-Miknasi (d.  1213/1799), his secretary, al-Faqih Abu Abdellah Mohammed b. Abi Qasim al-Sijilmasi al-Ribati (d. 121/41799), Abu Mohammed 'Abd al-Qadir b. Ahmad b. al-'Arabi b. Shaqrun al-Fasi (d. 1219/1804), Abu 'Abd 'Allah b. Ahmad b. Mohammed Bannis (d. 1214/1799). Included also were the Qadi of Marrakech Abd al-'Aziz Abu 'Abdali al-Murrakushi (d.1191/1777), the Qadi of Rabat al-Sayyid al-Mahdi Madin al-Andalusi (d. 1188/1774), the poet Ahmad Ibn al-Wannan (d.1187/1773), the minister Ahmad b. al-Mahdi al-Ghazzal as well as Abu Khurays, al-Rashidi, and Mohammed Gassus, all reported for strictness.

Together, they were in the habit of interpreting, and discussing books on Hadith brought back from the East, such as the Musnad of Ibn Hanbal and that of Abu Hanifa. Sidi Mohammed was not only an avid reader but was also an impassioned collector of books and manu­scripts. The various deputations that were sent to the East were entrusted with the task of buying a great num­ber of them. When al-Zayyani was sent on his mission to Constantinople in 1200/1786, one of his tasks was to acquire a large number of books dealing with Hadith and Fiqh, which included copies of the three Masanid of Abu Hanifa, al-Shafi'i and Ibn Hanbal, reportedly unavail­able in Morocco at the time. Says Sidi Mohammed: "Wa al-hal anna al-masanid al-madhkura lam tadkhul al-Maghrib qatt, hatta kana dukhuluha 'ala aydina.”

Among the other works that the Sultan solicited from the East were an abridged version of al-Ghazali’s Ihya.', called al-Tariqa al-Mohammediya as well as books on Hanafi Fiqh, indicating Sidi Mohammed's willingness to study all four Madhahib: he also intended to ac­quaint his intellectual circles with a broader view on Islamic jurisprudence, rather than limit their horizon to Maliki Fiqh. In 1175/1761, Sidi Mohammed distributed the 12,000 volumes of the Isma'ili Library as a special endowment (Tahbis) to the various Mosques of his realm. He also reorganized the Library at al-Qarawiyyin, mak­ing it more difficult for the uninitiated to borrow books at will.

Sidi Mohammed had often criticized the Fuqaha' and the 'Msids' (elementary school) for their ignorance and for their ina­bility to supply the necessary elements for a strong moral consciousness among their pupils. So he undertook the awesome task of guiding and influencing the empire's educational system. As an educator Sidi Mohammed organized the Madarsas along stricter lines. He would sometimes complain to the 'Ulama' that he had wasted precious time in his yesteryears in 'entertainment' and did not come to realize the importance of serious studies (i.e. Hadith and Fiqh). Said he: "Laqad dayya'na a'maruna fi al-bitala wa al-lahu fi halat al-Shabiba…” 

He also made provision for thorough training of the Msids and distributed generous allowances. So complete was Sidi Mohammed's interest in his mastership, that he not only supervised the teaching of his own children and those of the elite, but wrote also several guides aimed at stimulating the moral con­sciousness of the youngsters so that they would in turn take part in the social betterment of the realm: "Inna dawlat al-majd wa al-salah la taqum qawa'imuha wa la tastaqim da'a'imuha illa bi arkan dawlat al-adab wa al-akhlaq.”

Sidi Mohammed's puritanical concern for personal and public morality and ethics show clearly his concern for Morocco's spiritual regeneration ("Taqwim al-akhlaq wa al-fada'il”). He was perhaps influenced by Ibn Miskaway's Tadhhib al-Akhlaq or al-Baradhi's Tadhhib, but most certainly by Ghazalian ethic, stripped of course of any dialectical discussions. The Quran and Hadith remained without doubt the ideal source of moral instruction. In his Mawahib al-Minan, Sidi Mohammed declares that having noticed the widespread lack of knowledge on the part of many Fuqaha-teachers, and after close examination, realizing that they did not follow the true Islamic doctrine, he felt compelled to write a manual dealing with the most important facets of the faith, in a clear and forceful manner, in order to facilitate its absorption by teachers and students alike.

The young Talib, according to Sidi Mohammed, must memorize the Quran not only to fortify his knowledge of classical Arabic, but also to apply those injunctions found in it.   After the Quran, the study of the three Masanids, coupled with the two Sahihs are also required. Only then can a student immerse himself in Fiqh. The Risala of Ibn Abi Zayd al-Qayrawani, Ibn Rushd's Muqaddima and al-Jawahir by Ibn Shas were also included in the student's curricula. The latter were periodically tested by the Sultan himself during his round of visits to the different schools (Madaris, Katatib).

Sidi Mohammed's educational program was clearly ‘character' and 'purpose' oriented, destined to under­mine the false belief of the Fuqaha', lulled by the conviction of their 'traditional' system. It was also symptomatic of the effervescence of the period which sought a renewal of vital moral forces which had been allowed to weaken under the pernicious influence of ill-trained 'Msids', and by the general laxity in the field of religious erudition. In one in­stance, having heard that his son Mawlay 'Ali (d. 1197/ 1782) and Khalifa at Fez, had exhibited an interest in the study of history, Sidi Mohammed, in a letter, ad­monished the Prince. In it, he cautioned against the study of history which he believed did not relate with any high ideal of personal moral character but dulled instead the spiritual senses, contributing to a 'spiritual malnutrition.' Mawlay 'Ali was forced to rid himself of all profane books (Ibn Khalakan, Ibn Khaldun, Ibn al-Khatib, etc.) which were assembled in large crates and sent away to the Muslim East (in the care of al-Katib al-Sanhaji) to be distributed.

C.    Towards a Single Religious Ideology

Sidi Mohammed's deep religiosity and attachment to the Sunna led him to undertake the thorough analysis of Hadith and Fiqh, from which he emerged convinced that the two Madhahib most suited for Morocco were Malikism and Hanbalism for their rectitude and uncompromising stand on matters of law. Sidi Mohammed favored however the unification of all four Madhahib, a mood of the time characterized by a marked reluctance towards 'Madhhabism". As an accom­plished 'Alim, he displayed the full range of his erudition in a series of scholarly productions.

Sidi Mohammed's most celebrated books are: al-Futuhat al-Ilahiyya..., [completed in 1198/1783] Kitab al-Jami' al-Sahih al-Asanid al-Mustakhraj min Sittat Masanid, Kitab al-Jami' al-Sahih al-Asanid al-Mustakhraj min Arba'at Masanid [completed in 1200/1785], and Kitab Masanid al-A'imma (written in 1202/1787). His other major works include Tabaq al-Artab fi-ma Iqtatafnahu min Masanid al-A'imma aa Kutub al-Mashahir al-Malikiyya wa al-Imam al-‘Hattab, Bughyat Dhawi al-Basa'ir wa al-Albab fi al-Durar al-Muntakhaba min Ta'lif al-‘Hattab,  Kitab al-Fath al-Bari fi-iqtitaf Azhar al-Masanid Litakhrij Ahadith al-Bukhari, Tadwlh al-Qulub..., Ta'lif Hawl al-Ihya' Li al-Ghazzali, and Majmu'at Rasa'il al-Sufiyya. A glimpse at Sidi Mohammed's theological work is convincing proof of his intentions to develop a socio-religious guideline based strictly on the most authentic Islamic traditions; "La dawa' anja' min al-ruju ba'da Kalam Allah ila athar al-Nabi al-Mukhtar, wa nashr al-ahadith ...".

Sidi Mohammed's al-Futuhat al-Ilahiyya, is argu­ably the best and most famous of his scholastic accom­plishments and perhaps the only one to compare in both literary quality and scope with the Zabidi's and the Kuranis’. Completed in 1198/1783, it was widely circulated throughout the realm. Both Shaykh al-Tawdi b. Suda (d. 1209/1794) and Abi al-Qasim al-Sijilmasi (d. 1214/1799) helped propagate the work. Commentaries on the Futuhat were also written, particularly during the reign of Mawlay Sulayman (commentary by Ibn Qaddur d. 1231/1815).

Great efforts were also made by the sultan to help disseminate his religious convictions in the Muslim East, as reflected in the Futuhat and the Jami' al-Sahih; it was designed to boost his prestige abroad, as part of his campaign to identify himself with the Ahl al-Hadith movement. The first copies of the two books reached Egypt, the Haramayn and Constantinople during al-Zayyâni's mission to the East in 1200-1201/ 1786-87. To encourage the 'Ulamâ' and their Talaba to read his Fututet,SidI Mohammed promised 100 dinar for each Faqih who would complete his assignment. He also distributed money to the religious endowments of Alexandria and the Haramayn. Two well known Egyptian 'Ulama, Mohammed b. Mohammed al-Amir al-Maliki al Azhari and Mohammed b. 'Abd 'Allah al-Ma'ti al-Hariri al-Hanafi were among the first to praise the Futuhat, calling it a 'ray of Sunnism’.

Indeed al-Futuhat offered the cream of Sidi Muham­mad's "repertoire" of Hadith, assembled and classified according to their degree of authenticity and to the consensus surrounding them. The carefully selected Hadith, are from the four orthodox schools. Great impor­tance is given to the ‘Muwatta' of "Najm al-Sunna" (i.e. Imam Malik) as expounded by Ibn Shihab al-Madani al-Zahri in his al-Fawa'id al-Latifa. In his introduction, Sidi Mohammed states clearly his marked preference for the puritanism of Hanbalism and calls himself "Maliki by rite and Hanbali by conviction."        He follows the traditions which all four Imams agreed upon including also Imam Muslim and al-Bukhari; thus his first chapter, which he calls Kitab al-Ahaditb al-Sudasiyya, consists of a collection of prophetic traditions gathered from the three Masanid (Abu Hanifa [d. 150/767], al-Shafi'i [d. 204/819], Ibn Hanbal [d. 241/855]), the Muwatta' of Imam Malik (d. 179/795) and the two sahihs of al-Bukhari (d. 256/869) and Muslim (d. 261/874). Fifty Hadith are thus enumerated, always beginning with Abu Hanlfa, in accor­dance to seniority. The topic deals usually with Salat, Salat al-Jaml'a, Zakat, Ihram.

Then follows the traditions agreed upon by only 200 five Imams, and so forth. The remaining sections include a commentary on Ahl al-bayt, the Rashidun Califs   and six of their Tabi'un (Zubayr, Talha, Abi 'Ubayda, Sa'd, Sa'id, and 'Abd al-Rahman Abu 'Uf). Finally 400 traditions are extracted from each of the four Imams, all of which amount to the staggering number of 2262 traditions. Sidi Mohammed concludes his Futuhat with two sec­tions (Fasl/fusul). The first section clarifies his introductory statement in which he calls himself "Maliki of Madhhab- and Hanbali by conviction" (Fasl fi bayan qawli fi al-tarjama al-Maliki madhhaban al-Hanbali i'tiqadan). Says he:  "My choice of Imam Ahmad was prompted by the fact that he had demonstrated his profound distaste for Kalam, even when utilized as a weapon against Ashab al-Ra'i. Until the appearance of Imam al-Ash'ari and his anti-Mu'tazila campaign, no one dared to immerse himself in dialectics. Moreover, the followers of Malik agreed with Imam Ahmad b. Hanbal's injunctions, and called him "Nasir al-Sunna."

The other section which he calls (Fasl fi i'ti qadi fi al-a'imma al-arba'a), is a reaffirmation of his willingness to admit all four sources of Hadith studies. Sidi Mohammed declares that it is not appro­priate to glorify one Imam over another, for they are equally right, given the source of their inspiration (Quran and Sunna). He then adds: "Wa ani aqul qad sadaqa al-jami' fi a'immat al-huda al-madhkurin…" Furthermore, he considered the Quran and the Hadith to be the primary source for any juristic decision, thus relegating those emanating from the four Madhahib to a secondary position.

In the Kitab Masinid al-Ai'mma (written in 1202/ 1787) Sidi Mohammed addresses the question of 'Istiwa Allah ' ala al-'Arsh'. The Sultan, after declaring his strict adherence to the Unitarian doctrine as ex­pressed by Ibn Abi Zayd al-Qayrawani, contends that God's attributes are only known by Allah himself and thus cannot be discussed. Sidi Mohammed insists on God's mercifulness, ex­cept in the case of association (Shirk), which he warns is the greatest of all sins. The rest of the book deals with the mechanism of worship such as 'Bab al-tahara’, 'Bab al-salaf’, 'Fasl fi istiqbal al-qibla’, 'salat al-jama'a’, 'Kitab al-zakat, and their properties (Qawa'id).

A long section is devoted to the topic of Hajj, which Sidi Mohammed views as a crucial pillar of Islam. Quoting al-Imam al-‘Hattab and Imam Ibn Abi Zayd, he advises against traveling by sea to the Holy Places for fear of the nonfulfillment of any of the other four pillars. Moreover the problem of sea storms is also mentioned as endangering the lives of the pilgrims. As for the Ihram, Sidi Mohammed advises Moroccan pilgrims to follow the timing of the Madanese (i.e. Imam Malik), and to spend the night at Mina, even though the tradition has been ignored by many: "Wa sunnat al-mabit bi Mina qad turikat inda kathir min al-nas, fa yanbaghi al-muhafaza ‘ala ihya'iha…

In the Jami’ al-Sahih al-Asanid al-Mustakhraj min Sittat Masanid, Sidi Mohammed reiterates his firm con­viction in the Ahl al-Hadith school. He explains that his purpose was to collect forty prophetic traditions at the example of al-Nawawi from the six Imams as presented in his Futuhat. The collection of traditions address the question of 'ibadat and Mu'amalat, followed by a chapter on al-Mawa'iz and another on Dhikr, their qualities and attributes. Sidi Mohammed repeats his firm opposition to Kalam (al-Hawd fl ‘Ilm al-Kalam), and cites the opinions of famous traditionists such as Sufyan al-Thawri, Imam Malik, and Ibn Hanbal, while denouncing the Ash'arite methods.

As one can see, Sidi Mohammed's teaching was strongly, attuned to that of the Ahl al-Hadith movement in the Muslim East. It is indeed tempting to assume that Sidi Mohammed's puritanism was subsequently influ­enced also by Mohammed b.  Abd al-Wahhab's revivalist movement. The echoes of that revolution might have reached the Sultan's court. They both called for the regeneration of the Muslim society, the return to authentic and original sources, fought the dialecti­cians and vehemently rejected popular Sufism. The Jami ‘al-Sunna Mosque which Sidi Mohammed built in Rabat (completed in 1199/1784), is certainly strik­ing in its austerity and absence of ornaments.

 

The Jami ‘al-Sunna Mosque , Rabat

Nevertheless, Shaykh Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab was in a sense a 'Madhhabist' who conformed himself to the teachings of Ibn Hanbal and Ibn Taymiyya. Moreover, by the time of Sidi Mohammed's death, which incidentally coincided approximately with that of Shaykh Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, the Wahhabi Da'wa was only beginning to ex­pand outside its frontiers. Abd al-Karim al-Filali in his introduction of al-Zayyani's Turjumana al-Kubra rejects the notion that Sidi Mohammed was influenced by Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab's movement. According to al-Filali, Sidi Mohammed's in­terest in Hanbalism and his revivalist mood led him to emit similar ideas commonly developed at the time, but was in no way affected by Wahhabi teachings.

Whether Sidi Mohammed is closer to Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab's spirit of emendation or to the "Abbasid al-Mutawakkil's compunction, is perhaps less significant than the fact that the sweeping ideas of Islamic revival­ism in the eighteenth century in the Muslim East resulted in a similar reaction in "isolated Morocco." Although some of the constituents of that tide are still believed to have originated in the Mashriq, some have emerged with that general mainstream to quietly but forcefully bring about a purificationist trend, strong enough to alter religious apathy and blind Taqlid. Sidi Mohammed is undoubtedly the man who jolted the conscience of the Moroccan intelligentsia by his strong bearing and straightforward appeal to reform.

While his repetitious quotations from Hadith addressed the various issues at stake a grim reminder of the influence of Mukhtasars—they were stressed in the hope that they would reverberate with the pulse of Morocco's embedded religious emotions. They were composed as con­science raisers bound on showing that although the Muwatta' of Malik was the standard Isnad for the trans­mission of Hadith collection, the other Masanid were just as valid so long as the Quran and the Sunna came first.

Morocco in that period produced an impressive number of Muhaddith, most of whom had strong ties with the East.    Shaykh Abu al-'Abbas Ahmad al-Hilali al-Sijilmasi (1113/1701-1175/1751), was an important jurist whose most famous disciple was Mohammed b. al-Tayyib al-Qadiri (1124/1712-1187/1773) author of Nashr al-Mathani. Ahmad al-Hilali held many ijazas from Egypt and the Haramayn, one of which was given to him by the great Shaykh Sidi Mohammed al-Hifnawi al-Misri: a much esteemed teacher of Hadith. Another Muhaddith of some notoriety was Shaykh Abu al-'Abbas Ahmad b. Mohammed b. 'Abd 'Allah al-Warzazi al.-Dar'i (d. 1179/1765) who went to the Haramayn twice. A genealogist, lexicographer, and biographer, he also excelled in Hadith.

There were others such as the Muhaddith and genealogist Abu Abd 'Allah Mohammed al-Fasi (1118/1706-1179/1765), the Muhaddith and mystic Shaykh Abu Madyan al-Fasi (1112/1701-1181/1768), a Faqih at the Qarawiyyin and Shaykh Abu Hafs Omar b. 'Abd 'Allah al-Fasi (1125/1713-1188/1774), a highly praised Muhad­dith and a poet who dedicated his prose to the glory of the Prophet. There were however two particularly prominent 'Ulama who compared favorably with the generation of Ahl al-Hadith in the East. There were Mawlay Abu al-'Ala' Idriss al-'Iraqi al-Hussayni and Shaykh al-Jama’a Ahmad ibn al-Mubarak al-Lamti al-Sijilmasi, who lived in Fez and died 1155/1742. The latter had the noted Abu 'Abd 'Allah Mohammed al-Tawudi b. Suda al-Marri al-Fasi (1117/1705-1209/1795) as a student. He is also remembered for transmitting the life and teachings of his Sufi master Shaykh Sidi Abdellaziz b. Masoud Dabbagh al-Fasi (1090-1132/1679–1719-8).

Idriss al-'Iraqi (1120/1705-1183/1769) is consid­ered to be one of the 'best traditionist of the period, and is credited for having familiarized his generation with the Eastern Hadith movement. Referred to as the Moroccan al-Suyyuti, Idriss al-Iraqi concen­trated his studies on Fiqh and Hadith, writing commentaries on al-Tirmidi, al-Saghini, and al-Suyyuti. As for Ahmad ibn al-Mubarak, he was the greatest of them all.' Deeply imbued with both Malikism and Sufism, Ibn al-Mubarak was the perfect example of the accomplished ‘Alim. However unlike his contemporaries, he had no links with the Eastern 'Ulama'. Actually he has never made it to the East. One day, his student Ibn Suda wished him to go to Makka to make the Hajj ritual. “At the moment it’s not possible” Ibn al-Mubarak reacted, and continued, “I was told (by Shaykh Dabbagh) that you would go there and earn 1000 Dirhams,” which took place indeed.

During his pilgrimage in 1191/1777-78 he had met with Shaykh al-Samman at Madina and with Shaykh al-Zabidi in Cairo where he also taught Maliki Fiqh. Despite his strong 'orthodox' education, Ibn Suda had also deep Sufi inclinations, having been initi­ated early on in his life by the mystic Ahmad b. Muhamad al-Siqilli al-Fasi al-Khalwati (d. 1177/1762). He was later affiliated with the Tariqa al-Wazzaniyya where he developed his inclination to the limits of lyricism. Besides his Fahrasa (al-Kubra wa al-Sughra) which enumerates his chain of Isnad, Ibn Suda wrote several glosses and annotations on Fiqh and Hadith, the most famous of which are Zad al-Mujidd al-Sari fi Matali' al-Bukhlri (Hadith), Sharh Lamiyyat al-Zaqqaq, and Ithaf al-Nazir wa al-Sami' li Sharh Masa'il al- Jarni' (Maliki Fiqh). Ibn Suda's disciples were numerous. Among them were Shaykh Mohammed al-Tayyib b. Kiran (1172/1758-1227/1812), Shaykh. Hamdun b.  al-Hajj (1174/1760-71-232/1817) and Sulayman al-Hawwat, all of whom played a key role during Mawlay Sulayman's reformist campaign.

Ibn Suda was more than a 'Alim, he was also an extraordinary political figure. On more than one occa­sion he dared to oppose Sidi Mohammed, on what he con­sidered to be questionable orders. He for example de­manded that the Sultan regulated the payment of the Guish (army). He also opposed the Sultan's decision (in 1177/1763 or 1187/1773) to dispossess the people of Rabat of their properties on the ground that the city was Makhzan territory, since it was built by Almohad Sultan Ya'qub B. Yusuf b. 'Abd al-Mu'min for his troops. Although most 'Ulama' condoned Sidi Mohammed's action, Ibn Suda argued that anyone who possessed a property for more than eleven years without being legally challenged should be considered its rightful owner. He warned the complacent 'Ulama' that the Sultan might use the same excuse in the future to sequestrate Fasi land on the pretext that it is the ancient Idrissid capital. His daring oppugnancy caused him to be temporarily exiled.

On the whole traditional religious figures as well as the Sultan found in the Ahl al-Hadith movement a point of rallying in order to preserve the sanctity of Morocco's medieval Islamic heritage.

D. Sharifism and the Policy of Prestige in the East

As a Sharif and the Commander of the Faithful, Sidi Mohammed in his global vision wanted to widen the dynasty's appeal in Dar al-Islam. He therefore embarked on a policy of prestige building with the Muslim East still under the aegis of the Ottoman Sultan. The Moroccan monarch derived great pleasure and pride in currying favors with two successive Ottoman rulers, Mustafa III (1171/1757-1187/1773) and 'Abd al-Hamid I (1187/1773-1204/1789). As the 'Qutb al-Maghrib', Sidi Mohammed knew that his credentials as a Sharif who possessed an incomparable Jadd or Baraka were superior to those of the Sultan at Constantinople. Although the nineteenth century scholar 'Abd 'Allah Gannun al-Hassani seemed to believe that Sidi Mohammed viewed the Ottoman sultan as the true Calif in the manner Yusuf b. Tashfin had done with the 'Abbasids, it is more probable that the Moroccan monarch considered the Turkish Sultan as Amir al Muslimin.

Despite his worthiness as Amir al-Muminin at least in the Maghrib, Sidi Mohammed was quite aware of his own weaknesses, and to challenge the Ottoman spiritual leadership in the East would have been unrealistic. Moreover he regarded the Ottoman Sultan as a potentially useful ally against Christian encroachment. Sidi Mohammed's objectives therefore, were to first increase his own prestige at the Ottoman Court, thereby showing the Padishah that the Maghrib had its own legitimate, spiritual head. After all al-Zayyani calls his sovereign 'Sultan al-Gharb' and al-Mashrifi goes further by stating that the Ottoman sultan acknowledged Sidi Mohammed's moral superiority because of his Sharifian origin: "… Wa yukhatxbunahu mukhatabat al-Sada… wa nasabuh ahsan minhum (al-Hulal al-Bahiyya).

It is true that Sidi Mohammed's efforts at legiti­mizing his role in the Muslim East were rather arduous. To begin with, most Mashariqa were unfamiliar with the Maghrib, often seen as a far western dependency of the Ottoman Empire. Indeed the first embassy sent to the Othmani Court in 1175-76/1761-headed by al-Hajj al-Khayyat al-Fasi and al-Tahir Bannani, was not well received. When the second Sharifian delegation headed by Faqih al-Tahir b. 'Abd al-Salam al-Salawi and al-Tahir Bannani al-Ribati arrived in Constantinople in 1179-80/1766-67, it brought along, says al-Zayylni, "Suruj munabbata bi al-jawahir wa al-yawaqit wa al-zumurrud wa asyaf muhallat bi al-dhahab, munabbata bi ahjar al-yaqut al-mukhtalaf al-alwan…" Sultan Mustafa III was this time impressed, particularly by the return of Turkish captives from Spain whom Sidi Mohammed had helped liberate.   Realizing Sidi Mohammed's influence in European circles, the Padishah obliged the latter's request for arms. From then on, Sidi Mohammed was often represented at the court of Constantinople, particularly during the Ottoman-Russian crisis. In 1198/1783, at the height of Catherine II's aggressive policy toward La Porte, Sidi Mohammed sent a large deputation headed by al-Tahir b. Abd al-Haqq Fannish to Constantinople, in order to transmit his 'full support' to Sultan 'Abd al-Hamid I. At the same time Sidi Mohammed helped La Porte establish contacts with Spain over the problem of cap­tives.

Sidi Mohammed was anxious to bring about a peace­ful solution to the Algerian-European contention over piracy. When the Algerians scorned at his interference and politico-religious pretensions, Sidi Mohammed reacted with acerbitude, by trying to discredit the Regency at the Ottoman Court. What Sidi Mohammed had hoped to achieve was the allusive if not tacit agreement from La Porte to annex the Regency of Algiers to his realm, this in view of Sultan 'Abd al-Hamid's preoccupation with the Russian threat. At the same time Spain was notified of his preten­sions which the Moroccan Sultan presented as an efficacious remedy against Algerian piracy. The plan however was not pursued and Sultan 'Abd al-Hamid I only appealed to the Algerians to show more respect to the Moroccan ruler.

In 1200/1786, Sidi Mohammed sent another delega­tion to Constantinople, headed this time by his secretary and historian al-Zayyani; al-Zayyani carried among other gifts destined to Sultan 'Abd al-Hamid, copies of Sidi Mohammed's al-Futuhat al-Ilahiyya. But the purpose of the deputation seemed to have cen­tered on the Ottoman-Russian conflict and the possibi­lity of a Moroccan loan (650,000 gold riyals) to Constantinople. Upon his return, al-Zayyani convinced his master of the necessity to help the beleaguered Ottoman sultan financially. 650,000 gold riyals (duros) were consequently sent to La Porte via Spain and France, in a gesture of grandiosity, certain to increase Sidi Mohammed's prestige. Moreover, another sum of 270,000 gold duros destined originally for the liberation of Muslim captives in Malta and Naples were diverted to the Ottoman Court for the purpose of Jihad.

In 1201/1786 and 1202/1787 two Ottoman delegations arrived in turn in Morocco for further talks on military cooperation. The following year, Sidi Mohammed sent his Qa'id Mohammed al-Zawin b. Abd 'Allah with more arms and thirty slaves to the Padishah, while four ships led by al-Hajj al-Makki Barghash al-Ribati left Sale for Constantinople with a shipment of gun powder.

In 1777 Sidi Mohammed made history to be the first statesman to recognize the fledgling United States as an independent nation. On December 20, 1777, Sidi Mohammad declared that the American merchant ships would be under the protection of the sultanate and could thus enjoy safe passage. The Moroccan-American Treaty of Friendship stands as the U.S.'s oldest non-broken friendship treaty. It was signed by John Adams and Thomas Jefferson. Renegotiated in 1836, the Treaty of Marrakech is still in force, constituting the longest unbroken treaty relationship in US history. As testament to the special nature of the US-Moroccan relationship, the city of Tangier is home to the oldest US diplomatic property in the world, and the only building on foreign soil that is listed in the US National Register of Historic Places, the American Legation in Tangier (now a museum).

In regard to the Shurafa' of Macca, Sidi Mohammed was of legendary generosity. His aim was to show his traditional attachment to his family of origin; but he perhaps had also the secret hope of being asked to carry on the Khilafa as the Hafsids had once been solicited. Sidi Mohammed sealed that ancestral alliance by giving his daughter, Lalla Habiba in marriage to Sharif Surur b. Musa'id (1186/1772-1202/1787). The caravan that took the sultan's daughter to Macca in 1182/1768 accompanied by her two brothers Mawlay Ali and Mawlay Abd al-Salam was a radiant event. It showed indubitably to the Eastern populace that there was another Sultan in the West just as grandiose as the one in Constantinople and a descendant of the Prophet.

It is unclear how the Ottomans viewed Sidi Muham­mad's glittering pretensions as well as his bounteous subsidies to the Shurafa of the Haramayn. Undoubtedly, these benefactions must have helped the Shurafa' resist the Wahhabi pressure, something La Porte could not op­pose. On the other hand, Sidi Mohammed and previous Moroccan monarchs seemed to have been unaware of the limited prestige the Shurafa' enjoyed in the East. Nonetheless, Sidi Mohammed continued to view the Haramayn as an important base for his international prestige. Several of the Sultan's sons were also sent there, sometimes for the purpose of moving them away from their   supporters.

In 118 2/1768 and 1185/1771, Mawlay 'Ali and Mawlay 'Abd al-Salam (d. 1228/1813) were sent to Macca to accomplish their pilgrimage. In 1198/1784, following his revolt against his father, al-Yazid was also forced into exile to Macca. Nonetheless, the latter continued his mischievous acts in the Hijaz by plundering a Moroccan caravan led by Sidi Mohammed's nephew, Mawlay 'Abd al-Malik b. Idriss al-Muntasir and two secretaries, Mohammed b. 'Uthman and Omar al-'Azir, and the Amir al-Hajj Faqih 'Abd al-Karim b. Yahya al-Fasi. Interestingly enough, Mawlay 'Abd al-Malik and his entourage took a Spanish galley in order to avoid a surprise attack by al-Yazid. However from Egypt, the caravan took the regular Hajj route, carrying sump­tuous gifts and an important sum of money destined to the notability of the East.

Mawlay al-Yazid's act incurred the wrath of Sidi Mohammed who disowned his son publicly. The Sultan sent also several missives to the rulers of the Haramayn and to Constantinople warning them against his sons evil doings. Sidi Mohammed attempted to foster better relations with the religious leadership of the Muslim East rather than limit those relations to the local politico-religious hierarchy. When he undertook his measures for reform at the Qarawiyyin, he sent a missive to the 'Ulama of al-Azhar soliciting their opinion on the subject.

This in itself is a clear indication that he viewed Morocco and the Maghrib in general as an integral part of Dar-al Islam in spirit, religion, and culture. Sidi Mohammed bestowed on the Eastern 'Ulama lavish presents and generous religious endowments. However, when he disagreed with them, he had no qualms about making his displeasure known. He criticized for example Shaykh Murtada al-Zabidi's analysis of al-Ghazali's Ihya', dismissing the work as 'senseless and a waste of time.

The reason for Sidi Mohammed's outburst seemed to have been triggered by al-Zabidi's refusal to accept a gift sent to him by the Moroccan monarch in 1197/1782 (600 gold dinars). Sidi Mohammed was to praise Shaykh al-Dardir publicly for accepting his generosity. This of course in no way affected the renewed interest in the study of al-Ghazali’s teachings which continued to be an important aspect of the Sufi instruction, and which witnessed an increase in popularity under the patronage of Mawlay Sulayman.

The large contingent of Maghribis at the Ruwwaq of al-Azhar and at the Haramayn played an active role in the dissemination of the latest literary and religi­ous currents of men such as Mahmud al-Kindi al-Sa'idi, Sulayman al-Fayyumi, Ahmad al-Farqawi or 'Abd 'Allah al-Sharqawi. The Maghribis had reputable representatives who often caught the admiration of their Eastern coreligion­ists. These were Abu 'Abd 'Allah Mohammed b. al-Tayyib al-Sharqi (d. 1170/1756), Shaykh Khalil al-Maghribi (d. 1176/1762), All al-Saqqat (d. 1183/1770) who was held in high esteem by al-Zabidi and Mohammed b. Mohammed al-Sinbawi al-Azhari known as al-Amir (d. 1223/1816).

Others stayed only temporarily while on their way to or from the Haramayn, to study or teach. Such was the case of al-Tawdi b. Suda, whose audience at al-Azhar, where he taught Maliki Fiqh, included Mohammed al-Kurdi, Mohammed al-Amir al-Kabir, al-Fayyumi, al-Zabidi and Hassan al-Jabarti. Mawlay 'Abd al-Salam b, sultan Sidi Mohammed (d. 1228/1813) wrote his Durrat al-Suluk during one of his numerous trips to the Haramayn, and discussed with his audience such topics as Tawhid and Imamate. Upon their return they were actively sought by the Sultan, anxious in his desire to catch a first hand glimpse of their cultural Rihla, and to scale the material collected for further research.

E. Diplomacy and Jihad

Sidi Mohammed, when dealing with the Christian powers oscillated between diplomacy and active Jihad. The policy of Jihad had been since Mawlay Isma'il an important instrument of Makhzan policy, and the only ideological framework for dealing with the non-Muslim powers, in theory at least. This was the only way the Makhzan could mobilize people (Mujahidin/Murabitin being acknowledged as superior), thereby justifying the extraction of greater levies (Ma'una), while at the same time increasing the prestige of the Sultan as the leading Imam-Mujahid.

But under Sidi Mohammed, the Makhzan went further in its Jihad policy and interwove itself in diplomatic transactions and trade proceedings with the Europeans in the 'interest of Jihad,' while justifying truces as a necessity for the liberation of Muslim captives: "A'zam manfa'a li al-hudna fakk al-asara." Morocco's foreign relations in the eighteenth century emerged from a classic 300 year old struggle against imperialist strangulation involving the British, the French, the Spaniards, and the Portuguese, all seeking to establish trading/colonial outposts in the Sharifian Empire.

The development and expansion of corsairing in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries brought the problem of negotiating the release of Christian and Muslim captives to the forefront. Hence Moroccans and Europeans alike were anxious to reestablish contacts on a more peaceful level. Franco-Moroccan relations for example, were at an all time low point. Relations between Louis XIV and Mawlay Ismail over the redemption of 25,000 Christian captives proved fruitless and were in fact interrupted in 1131/1718. Indeed it was not until the Treaty of 1767, that France was able to have its diplomatic representative in Morocco.

Sidi Mohammed for his part was anxious to reestab­lish a dialogue with the French, not only over the question of captives and slaves, but also to regulate trading agreements and protect his nascent merchant navy. Despite, repeated assaults by French corsairs on Moroccan coastal areas,  the Sultan dispatched his minister Mawlay Idriss al-Muntasir and the Makhzan's drogman Samuel Sumbel to France, to press the government of Louis XV for a negotiated settlement.

The Court of Versailles, desirous to secure French navigation, to augment its trade and liberate its captives, welcomed the Moroccan deputation. The discussions led to a suspension of hostilities between the two nations; a pact was ratified on October 10, 1765 at Mogador, and amended again the following year. Finally an official envoy of the King, Comte de Breugnon (1717-1792) accompanied by Louis de Chenier, future French Consul General, and a large delegation arrived at Marrakech to negotiate and ratify the famous Treaty of Peace and Friendship of May 28, 1767.

The treaty which was approved by the sultan and signed by his minister Idris b. al-Muntasir (d. 1184/1770) and Qa'id Mohammed b. 'Amran, gave France the status of the most favored nation. Commercial exchanges between the two countries were to be rigorously observed through 'passports' duly signed by each government representative. The opening of new trading companies were also barred.

Although never mentioned in the treaty, de Breugnon was haunted by the problem of liberating French captives. The Christian powers in general considered the ransoming of prisoners an irritating and humiliating process. Sidi Mohammed for his part understood the willingness of the French to go to any extent to free their countrymen, and so stood firm in his de­mands, showing his tenacious and peremptory nature in the negotiations. The French agreed to pay large sums of money in exchange for the captives.   Various gifts were also offered to the Sultan in the hope of accelerating their release.

France also acquired the right to establish consulates throughout the Moroccan Empire. The French consul was not to be held responsible for any debts contracted by French merchants residing in Morocco. Freedom of trade between the two nations was guaranteed by article V of the treaty, and merchants of either country could travel, at least in theory, every­where in the two kingdoms for the purpose of commerce. However the French were forbidden from supplying firearms to the Muslims in accordance with the Bulla in Coena Domini. This suited Sidi Mohammed who in turn did not oppose it, hoping that it would curtail the illegal traffic of arms.

Louis Chenier was the first general consul whose office no longer depended on the Chamber of Commerce of Marseille, but reported instead to the Secretary of State to the Navy. Despite Sidi Mohammed's desire to keep all foreigners at Mogador, Louis Chenier was given permission to establish his residence at Rabat-Sale. Louxs Chenier's mission however proved to be uneasy, due to Sidi Mohammed's irritation over the con­sul's ignorance of local customs; and after a humiliating audience at the Sultan's court, he was recalled to Versailles in 1197/1782.

Although costly, the Franco-Moroccan treaty proved to be beneficial to France, for it had established a permanent official presence on Moroccan territory. Moreover, Sidi Mohammed had gone far toward restoring confidence in his ability to control his Empire. What's more   Sidi Mohammed was in turn flattered by the solici­tude shown to him by the government of Versailles, and despite minor incidents, Franco-Moroccan relations remanded on good terms. Sidi Mohammed signed also a similar treaty with Spain in May of 1767; despite Sidi Mohammed's Jihad policy against the Spanish Presidios and the prickly problem of captives, Spanish-Moroccan relations re­mained on a fairly good standing because of King Carlos Ill's (1716-1759-1788) conciliatory policy. Spanish determination to undercut the British brought a sharp increase in Spanish-Moroccan trade to the delight of Sidi Mohammed.

As for the British, already active along the Atlantic coast, Morocco was particularly important, for it supplied their garrison at Gibraltar with fresh vic­tuals. Because of Spanish-British rivalry, Gibraltar was on a near-permanent blockade, particularly between 1193/1779-1198/1783, which meant that the British had to rely heavily if not solely on imported supplies from the Sharifian Empire. This of course meant also that the British were often dependent on the whim of local Qa'ids or the Sultan himself, for the regular flow of provisions, mostly from Tangier or Tetuan.

It is true that the British have always been able to purchase their purveyance illegally, mostly from tribes in dissidence, but Sidi Mohammed had taken strin­gent steps in controlling contraband, such as using his Brig-of-Wars led by fearless corsairs against the perpetrators. Sidi Mohammed had attempted to exploit British exigencies, by renewing in 1174/1760, an Anglo-Moroccan treaty signed by his father in 1165/1751. The latter treaty had given the British merchant navy a quasi im­munity through the use of 'passes' or proof of British ownership of a vessel. Sidi Mohammed thus hoped to control British trade in his realm, giving the English enough incentive to transact through Makhzan channels.

With time however, the British began selling their 'immunity passes' to smaller nations trading with Morocco, who could now flood Moroccan ports with their merchandises without facing the danger of being attacked by Maghribi corsairs.    The abuse of such 'passes' or ‘passports' throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries became a thorny issue in European-Moroccan relations; it seriously undermined Muslim privateering in its desperate attempts to capture a portion of the sea trade. The superiority of the Christian navy and the repeated retaliatory naval operations proved fatal to Maghrib seafaring. It is one of the reasons that prompted Sidi Mohammed to bring Moroccan privateers under his control.

In multiplying peace treaties and trading agreements with the Christian nations, Sidi Mohammed in­tended to take advantage of inter-European rivalries to regulate the latter's covetousness and allurement for new markets.    Any material advantage drained from the Christian powers was viewed as a victory for Islam, and by negotiating and temporizing, Sidi Mohammed was using the only effective means at his disposal. This is not to say that Sidi Mohammed neglected active Jihad. After reorganizing his army, constituted mainly of cavalrymen from the ‘Hawz, and an enfeebled corps of 'Abids (mostly decimated by ill-fated revolts), Sidi Mohammed unleashed his troop against Portuguese and Spanish enclaves on Moroccan territory.

In 1182/1768-69, after a long siege, he succeeded in dislodging the Portuguese from Mazagan (renamed al-Barlja al-Jadida), thus putting an end to dissentient voices, mortified by his diplomatic negotiation and apparent inertness.  Having restored his prestige as the 'Imam al-Mujahid', Sidi Mohammed had no qualm in signing a trading agreement with the Portuguese in 1187/1773. The northern part of his realm was however still under Spanish occupation so Sidi Mohammed's next target was directed at Melilla, al-Husayma, and Ceuta. Taking advantage of Anglo-Spanish rivalry, Sidi Mohammed negotiated through Qa'id al-Tahir Fannish the procurement of arms from Great Britain in exchange for substantial economic advantages. Upon receiving the requested artillery pieces, Sidi Mohammed moved imper­ceptibly towards Melilla pretending to be on Mahalla against some recalcitrant tribes. The unsuspecting Spaniards soon found themselves surrounded by the Sultan's troops. The siege of Melilla (1188/1774-1189/1775) how­ever failed to expel the Spaniards, still baffled by Sidi Mohammed's inconsistencies in his policy of 'entente cordiale’ and Jihad. A success at Melilla would have undoubtedly led to the fall of Ceuta, still a coveted objective of Sidi Mohammed.

 

Al Jadida Cistern

The Sultan had maintained all along that his Jihad policy on land in no way affected his maritime treaties with the Christian powers. In 1194/1780 Sidi Muham­mad negotiated another treaty of 'commerce and friendship' with Madrid. As for those 'Ulama' who objected to his policy of dealing with the Christians, Sidi Mohammed forced them to issue Fetwas (1180/1766 and 1190/1776) legalizing Moroccan-Christian trade. The export of wheat which so many European powers sought invidiously, would sometimes be allowed by the sultan at prohibitive prices and in return for guns, ammunitions, and Muslim captives. Although the sale of grain was a highly lucrative trade, Sidi Mohammed had to contend with public opinion (i.e. the Fuqaha') who often objected to the sales.

In 1182/1768 or 1186/1772, the city of Fadila (later renamed Mohammediyya) was built as a storehouse for grain export. However the famine of 1190/1776 to 1196/1782, forced the sultan to temporarily halt the shipment of grain. But exports resumed soon after and were rarely interrupted until Sidi Mohammed's death. The 'wheat weapon' which Sidi Mohammed brandished at the appetitive Europeans proved to be a more persua­sive means to obtain the desired weapons or negotiate the release of Muslim slaves from European dungeons. The latter issue was always perused by Sidi Mohammed, for he considered it to be his duty as a Muslim, to intervene on behalf of all Muslim captives throughout Europe. "Man fakka asiran min aydi al-Kuffar, haram Allah jasaduhu min al-nar." Sidi Mohammed pressed for the improvement of the captives' lot, requesting that the aged, women, and children be exempted from ransom and from a captivity that would exceed a year.

Similarly many European nations appealed to the sultan for his intercession on their behalf to try to liberate Christian captives from the Regencies. Sidi Mohammed devoted also much, of his time to the creation of a viable navy, and took steps toward restricting and controlling independent privateering. The Sultan's intentions were first to use it as an in­strument of Jihad; secondly to monopolize the pirates' trade; and thirdly to encourage European commercial activities in the realm, by guarantying the security of the ships.  Sidi Mohammed incorporated many of the buccaneers into his newly constituted navy and gave the 'admiralty' to notorious corsairs of the caliber of al-Ra'is Omar, al-Hajj 'Abd 'Allah Ya'qub al-Salawi (in 1177/1763), and al-Hajj al-Hashimi b. Ahmad 'Awwad al-Salawi (in 1179/1765). To build his navy Sidx Mohammed approached first the foreign merchants at Safi; he then sought the help of various European nations, mostly the Italian Republics. The Ottomans for their part provided the Moroccan Sultan with Ottoman experts to help arm the nascent Sharifian 'armada.

Unfortunately for Sidi Mohammed, the new 'armada' proved to be ineffective in controlling the Empire's coastal areas infested with superior European ships. As for his merchant navy which the Sultan had hoped to use to transport his Empire's wheat along the Atlantic coast, the Europeans showed less than enthusiasm for his scheme. It may be presumptuous to blame Sidi Mohammed's ideas of grandeur.    What began was a painstaking effort on his part to restore the 'Alawite dynasty, perhaps not so much to the path of greatness from which it had fallen by more than three decades of upheavals, but to preserve its traditional heritage. His seemingly op­portunistic policies were meant to stave off doomsday, in which Morocco, too weak morally and physically to react, would be carved out by market-starved European powers.

Sidi Mohammed's 'fundamentalist' policy was an attempt to bring Morocco into a more universal Islam, thus recognizing the Empire's inherent place in Dar al-Islam, while at the same time preserving Morocco's territorial integrity by putting forth a claim to re­gional leadership. The "...certaines visees de purisme islamigue" of Sidi" Mohammed were in effect a reaffirmation of Morocco's deep attachment to the universal Sunni creed. Since the refutation of the Tumartiyya, all the dynas­ties that succeeded the Almohads had professed their staunch adherence to Malikism.   However, the reiteration of the realm's dogmatism along with the inclusion of the teachings of all four orthodox schools, particu­larly that of Hanbalism, was destined in a sense to de-Morocconize' Islam thus de-stifling it from its restrictive Madhhabist mold. There was perhaps another element that played a large part in Sidi Mohammed's reform:    his personal politico-religious ambitions. His inner sense of worthiness, his ancestry, and great knowledge all contributed to his effort to seek universal recognition as the only suitable candidate to head the community of believers in the Maghrib.

 

دراسة لنصوص تتعلق  بأخبار الدولة العلوية أمال البوكيلي- فاطمة الزهراء البوكيلي جامعة سيدي محمد بن عبد الله –  فاس  حكم المولى محمد بن عبد الله (1171-1204هـ/1757-1790م) بعد إعلان وفاة والده التي حدثت في يوم 27 صفر 1171هـ، تلقى سيدي محمد بن عبد الله بصفة تلقائية بيعة أهل مراكش وأحوازها وعبدة والشياظمة وحاحا ثم بيعة أهل فاس وبقية الأقاليم، وأعلنت هذه البيعة قبل متم شهر صفر من السنة المذكورة، ووصف الضعيف هذه البيعة بأنها "كانت بإجماع أهل المغرب، بيعة تامة مرضية، كاملة الأوصاف، سنية جامعة لجميع الأمور الشرعية". وقد أجمعت المصادر والمراجع على اعتبار المولى محمد بن عبد الله هو منقد الدولة الشريفة ومجددها بعدما شلت وتلاشت هياكلها منذ وفـاة المولى إسماعيل عــام (1139هـ/1727م)، فقد رأى  الضعيف في سيدي محمد: "السلطان الأسعد، وشمس الزمان وروح عالم الإسلام وظل الله على العب�