Ideal Saints

To consider wilaya (sainthood) from the perspective of human experience, and not from some doctrinal ideal, one must first of all acknowledge that wilaya is a social phenomenon. In fact, the extraordinary is recognised in practice before it is defined in theory. To restate this point in the terms used by Moroccan Sufis: if the nature of person's knowledge ('ilm) is revealed through one's actions ('amal), then the nature of a person's sainthood will also be revealed through the actions of the saint as experienced by others. The interdependency of knowledge and praxis was fully understood by Moroccan Sufis, who remarked on it in their writings. An example of this understanding can be found in the statement of Sidi Ahmed Zarruq al-Fasi (d. 899/1484). "The inner essence of the slave is known through his outward state", or in the saying of the Patron Saint of Salé, Sidi Ahmed ibn Achir (d. 764/1349), "Knowledge without practice is like a tree without fruit."

As a lived phenomenon, what most premodern Moroccans saw in Sufism were the cases of wilaya and mashyakha (masterhood) in a gnostic (‘arif) or a leader (Shaykh Tariqa). Within the symbolic universe of Moroccan Islam, each of these two terms symbolised a different province, or "enclave" of meaning. These enclaves of meaning constituted the Moroccan version of the "two worlds of deity". In Morocco, wilaya signified the internal visage (batin) of deity. As such, it was the product of a particular mystical epistemology that relied on it own educational equipment or rule of training (tarbiya). This epistemology contextualised the ideological, technical, and pragmatic factors that entered into the Sufi definition of deity.  Wilaya thus referred to the metaphysical essence of deity as seen from the perspective of Islamic mysticism –an ideological complex whose main function was to articulate and validate the premises of Sufism.

According to the Moroccan saint, Sidi Abul Hassan Shadhili (d. 656/1241): "Wilaya as the fruit of the path to God corresponds to the highest degree of experiential knowledge of God, ma‘rifa. The saint as a journeyer and a vehicle of ma‘rifa exemplified the highest aspirations of the path for other journeyers. The wali, as an exemplar and spiritual master, was thus central to the process of the actualization of the knowledge of God. In effect the exemplar was the goal of the aspirant and the seal of authenticity of the path itself, for by their very comportment they reflected essential unity on the individual level with all awliya, on the one hand, and with the inherent unity of Divine Reality on the other." On the subject of saint and the portion people share in him. Imam Abul Hassan Shadhili said:

People hold a share ('adh) in the saint in four things. For the commonality it is the presence of blessings (baraka); the portion of the elect among the commonality– the devotees and ascetics - is the revealing of miracles; the portion of the scholars is [exegetic] mastery and eloquence in Quranic verses; and the portion of the friends of God from him is governance of the spiritual surroundings through unveiling (alishraf bi-l-kashf ‘ala al-ihata) - meaning that he speaks of fundamental and ultimate truths (al-Awliya wal akhyar).

  He then continues his narrative with further elucidation of the state of the saint saying:

Why do you ponder [the state of] the wali? If you say, “The outer aspect [of things] gives clear indication,” I would say, “It is greater [than you imagine], the dust or even the least of his words on traditional views of divine unity (tawhid) would suffice you. The Law outwardly conceals him. If you ask him of subtleties of journeying (raqa’iq), he will efface them for you with subtleties of divine realities (daqa’iq). If you ask him of people (al-khalq), he will efface them for you in Divine Truth (al-Haqq) and cause you to turn from them in disdain.

Although wilaya expressed the essence of sainthood for Moroccan Sufis, the concept of mashyakha, the outward visage (dhahir) of sainthood, was phenomenologicallly "more real" to the disciples and general public. This was because the actions of the saint were experienced directly by the saint's audience, often before their interpretation could be passed through the filters if Sufi doctrine. The visible dimension of sainthood was primarily understood in terms of mystical power. The sociological profile of the Moroccan saint shows that he was above all an empowered person –empowered to make miracles, empowered to communicate with God, empowered to help the weak or oppressed, empowered to act on behalf of others, empowered to mediate the course of destiny, and empowered to affect the behaviour of other holders of power. Such a person was awe-inspiring to an audience because his or her powers, when viewed in the context of systematic pattern of various conduct, were believed to have come from God. The Moroccan seventh/thirteen century jurist Sidi Ahmed al-Azafi summed up the "majestical power" of the Moroccan saint by saying that people learned to fear God through the power of His Awliya.

According to Sufi tradition, the invisible hierarchy of wilaya consists of the 40 abdal (substitutes; for when any of them dies another is elected by God from the rank and file of the saints), seven awtad (stakes, or props, of faith), three nuqaba' (leader; one who introduces people to his master), headed by the qutb (axis, pole), or ghawt (succour). In addition to these hierarchal ranks of wilaya, the mashyakha of the Moroccan saint comprises the roles of the shaykh al-wasil, the salih (righteous), the qudwa (exemplar), the murabit (rural mystic administrator), and the imam (supreme authoritative leader), in addition to the khatm al-awliya (seal of saints); the last and most perfect personality in the historical process. With this person, evolution of perfect sainthood has found its end, just as prophethood. This Mohammedian Known Seal is  the Supreme Saint of Fez and Morocco, Sidna Shaykh, Abul Abbas Mawlana Ahmed ibn Mohammed Tijani (d. 1230/1815).

While it is important to take into accounts the limitations of hagiographical anthologies as sources of data, one can propose a model profile of the "typical” Moroccan saint in the formative period of Moroccan Sufism. According to the information contained in at-Tamimi’s (d. 604/12189) Kitab al-Mustafad, at-Tadili's Kitab at-Tashawwuf ila rijal at-tasawwuf (Book of insight into the tradition bearers of Sufism), al-Badisi's (d. after 722/1307) Kitab al-Maqsad as-sharif wa manza'a al-latif fi at-ta'arif bi sulaha' ar-Rif (The Notable objective and admirable goal in knowing about the sulaha of the Rif), ibn al-Qadi Meknesi’s (d. 1025/1616) Kitab Jadhwat al-iqtibas fi dhikr man 'halla minal a'alam madinat Fes (The Torch of learning in the recollection of the most influential notables of the city of Fez),  and Sidi Mohammed ibn Jaafar Kattani’s (d. 1345/1930) Kitab Salwat al-anfas wa mu’hatatatu al-akyas bi dhikr man uqbir’a mina al-ulama wa sulaha bi-madinat Fes Salwat al-anfas wa mu’hatatatu al-akyas bi dhikr man uqbir’a mina al-ulama wa sulaha bi-madinat Fes (The Delight of inhalation and symposium of elite in the recollection of the doctors and most virtuous buried in the city of Fez), the Moroccan "typical" saint was a male from a Sharifian, Arab, or Arabised Berber background who spent much of his life in an urban environment, where Arabo-Islamic civilization played a major role in his education and moral development. As a result of this urban influence, he was able to read and write in Arabic and was more inclined than was the general public to advanced schooling.

Since a significant minority of the shaykhs in the anthologies are legal scholars (ulama), one can also infer that many of the ulama in premodern Morocco had little or no objection to either Sufism or the Sufi definition of saint hood. This relatively liberal stance was reinforced by the fact that Moroccan Sufis and ulama belonged to intersecting social and intellectual networks and played similar roles in the importation and dissemination of knowledge. For this reason, the typical Sufi, like the typical scholar, had a cosmopolitan outlook on life, as well as a more than a cursory awareness of the theological, philosophical, and juridical trends of his time.

In social status the typical Moroccan saint was a member of the "lower middle class." He would have been born into a family of minor tradesmen, craftsmen, or small-scale landowner, and would have religious beliefs that were characterised by an "undiluted, sober monotheism with strong ethical colouring. He would be exceedingly scrupulous with regard with to what passed through his hands or into his mouth and lived simply and unostentatiously, practicing the virtues of poverty, humility, and charity. He was also likely to temper his religious devotions with contemplation, and often secluded himself from the hubbub of human society. He would particularly avoid involvement with official of the state, both to preserve his reputation as an impartial broker and also to stress his ethical view of politics as intrinsically immoral.

The Moroccan saint was overwhelmed by an all-embracing awareness of the divine presence—"nearer than his jugular vein (‘habl al-warid)"—which manifest itself through the granting of small miracles (karamat) and the power of intersession to those who were worthy enough to receive them. The most important of the saint's small miracles were epistemological in nature. Although paranormal knowledge was a gift from God, making the most of it depended on an advanced spiritual training that was available only to a limited number of adepts. This type of epistemological capital was highly valued, since to make use of it one had to be a Sufi—an initiated member of a semi-institutionalised spiritual elite.

In contrast, the rural greatest Shaykhs of the High Atlas mountains presented an image that was significantly different from the model just described. If the first place, they were ethnically Berber and rural in origin, sharing much more than other Moroccan Awliya the culture and worldview of the people who venerated them. Also, they were less likely than were their peers to have been influenced by Arab culture.  Once born in the countryside they usually remained there, often acquiring their education in rural mosques or ribats. Their widespread popularity, however, did not mean that the socioeconomic status of these Awliya was any lower than that of there urban brothers. In fact, they were even more "middle class" than other urban masters and their approach to religious doctrine was equally orthodox.

The nature of the miracles granted the greatest spiritual masters was what primarily set them apart from their peers. Whereas the miracles of most Sufis were epistemological, those of the greatest saints were more power-oriented and attuned to commonplace needs. These individuals were more likely than their peers to walk on water, ride rainbows, end droughts, subdue wild beasts, ensure bountiful harvests, and heal the sick. By serving their audience's needs and demonstrating that all believers had access to divine mercy, these holy men earned the trust of the masses and were venerated as sources of consolation and protection. They were thus ideally suited to provide an alternative source of authority in the absence of a strong central government and could disseminate their views to the widest possible audience. 

The Shaykh al-Wasil

The most powerful manifestation of the saint was what the Moroccan masters Moulay Ahmed Sqalli (d. 1177/1762), Moulay Abdellaziz Debbarh (d. 1132/1717), and Moulay Ahmed Tijani (d. 1230/1815), called 'Shaykh al-wasil'. According to their Mohammedian-paradigm doctrine, such a person is on foot of the Prophet ('ala qadami rasulillah) and a wielder of power over others (mutasarrif) because the awliya's connections (al-ittisal) to God allowed him to mediate between domains of reality. Whereas the Prophet (peace and blessing be upon him) received revelation (wa'hy), Shaykh al-wasil received divine inspiration (ilham); whereas the Prophet (peace and blessing be upon him)  used revelation to establish the laws of God, Shaykh al-wasil acted as an exemplar (matal) by assimilating himself to the message of Sidna Mohammed (peace and blessing be upon him).

Shaykh al-wasil is an empowered individual. He is more than just a social ombudsman or mediator. He is also a master of the knowable—a person who could mediate between different symbolic universes, whether they be urban-rural, esoteric-exoteric, literate-illiterate, Sufi-non-Sufi, or juridical-popular. This view of the Moroccan saint takes our understanding of wilaya well beyond charisma. For the Moroccan saint as a  as a broker (wasita) to control knowledge was to possess the essence of power itself. Most miracles of the Moroccan Awliya involved the manifestation of extraordinary knowledge, such as reading thoughts, foretelling the future, or uncovering hidden secrets. The epistemological, 'ilm-based miracles were considered by hagiographers to be more fundamental than 'amal-based actions miracles, such as healing the sick, taming beasts, traversing long distances, or subduing spirits. 

The most based type of Moroccan saint was the Salih (righteous), a Quranic concept that goes back to the very origins of Sufism and reflects the Maliki tendency for favour praxis over doctrine. To the authors of Moroccan hagiography such as at-Tadili, al-Azafi, al-Kattani, the Salih exemplified the ethical authority of wilaya. This authority was based on a moral commitment to carry out the commands of God and was actualised in behaviours that reaffirmed this commitment in numerous ways. In the Quran, the Salih as an ideal type is linked to the prophets, who disseminate the word of God among mankind, the truthful, who submit themselves to the dictates of the word of God, and the martyrs, who put their lives on the line for the sake of God. The tradition also links them in an 'eternal present' to the precedent of Salaf Salih, the "righteous forebears" of Islamic tradition who succeeded the Prophet (peace and blessing be upon him) as exemplars for the Muslim community.

As an ideal type, the Salih stood above all for social virtue (salah). Consequently, the Salih was frequently associated with the Sufi traditions of futuwwa (cavalry) and tariqat al-malama (path of blame). The relation between the Salih and the doctrines of futuwwa can be seen in the attention given by the Moroccan saint to the concept of ethical purity (wara'). The Salih's relationship with the malamatiya tradition can be seen in the Wali's tendency to act as a critic (nasi'h) and in his or her advocate of the Quranic injunction "command the good and forbid evil" (amr bil ma'ruf wa nahy 'ani-l munkar). Equally important, The Salih exemplifies Moroccan wilaya in its most basic form. 

Every Moroccan saint is a Salih in some way. The Sufis Sidi Ahmed ibn al-Arif Tanji (d. 536/11211), Sidi Ahmed ibn Achir (d. 764/1349) and Sidi Moussa ibn Ali Wazzani (d. 970/1562) illustrate this point. Each of these Awliya was known for his ethical activism and played an important role in reconciling Sufism with exoteric Islam. Before achieving the state of wilaya, Ibn al-Arif gained a widespread reputation as a reciter of the Quran, Hadith transmitter, market inspector, and censor of public morals. His Sufism was grounded in an integrated approach of knowledge and practise was firmly based on the principles of Sunni Islam. Because of this grounding, he could not readily be criticised by his exoteric opponents. His persona played augment his saintly reputation to the extent where he became a danger to the Almoravid state. Even more, his interest in social justice led him to act as a spokesman for populist political aspiration and made him the ally of revolutionaries such as the famous student of Sidi Abu Hamid al-Ghazali's (d. 526/1111) and spiritual father of Almohad, Sidi Mohammed Mahdi ibn Tumart (d. 524/1130).

Shaykh Sidi Ahmed ibn Achir, on the other hand, exemplified the Salih in the role of critic. His wilaya was equally grounded in Sunni doctrine and practice, and he devoted himself to promoting the works of Abu Hamid al-Ghazali and al-Harith ibn Asad al-Muhasibi's (d. 243/828), who were paradigmatic figures of Sunni mysticism. Although he went to great lengths to maintain his ethical purity by avoiding rulers and other authority figures, he did not hesitate to accuse the Marinid Sultan Abu Inan (d. 773/1358) of corruption and injustice. The letter in which he did so stands as a monument to the Moroccan Sufi tradition of political engagement. Similar to Sidi Ahmed ibn Achir's stance that of the Shadhilite Sidi Moussa ibn Ali Wazzani. He  sent a letter to the Saadian Sultan Mohammed Shaykh al-Mahdi (d. 972/1557) as a reaction to his persecution of the Shaykhs of the Jazouliya. This response to the actions of the Saadian autocrat provides a fitting symbolic epitaph to the Jazouliya's involvement in Moroccan political life. It also illustrates the role that pertains when both Sufi saint and sharif lay maintain to the same Prophetic Inheritance.

In his letter, Sidi Moussa Wazzani uses the metaphor of the tree of life to describe the relationship between the Sufi saint and state. He begins by quoting the Qadirite Shaykh Sidi Mohammed ibn Yajbash Tazi (d. 920/1505), who stated that "the obedience of a land and its people depends on a leader to whom they can turn in all affairs." According to Sidi Moussa Wazzani, the leader referred to by Ibn Yajbash is the Qutb—the pole, the very person whom Mohammed Shaykh and his advisers most feared as a potential rival. Rather than fearing the Qutb, he responds, the just Islamic ruler should welcome this saint and cleave to him. Comparing the state to a tree, Sidi Moussa Wazzani argues that the Qutb is the water that bring the state to life. Were it is not for the water, the soil around the tree would not soften, thus preventing the tree from taking nourishment. Were it is not for the life-giving soil, the tree's roots would not remain fixed and its branches would not grow. Were it is not for the branches, the tree would produce no fruit. In this way every part of the tree acts in concert with the other members to maintain the life of the tree as a whole. 

The Qudwa

The second ideal type of Moroccan saint was the Qudwa (example). This person typified the exemplary authority of sainthood as conveyed by the Prophet (peace and blessing be upon him). Like the Salih, the Qudwa also symbolised the symbiosis of praxis and doctrine, since every saintly exemplar was, by definition, an exemplary Muslim. In fact, as a teacher of Sufis and hence of other potential Awliya, the Qudwa was an exemplar par excellence. To put it another way, the Qudwa was an exemplar for the exemplary. Since the Qudwa's role was built directly upon that of the Salih, the saint was most of all an exemplar of God-conscious piety (taqwa). This spiritual attitude was also based on the example of Sidna Mohammed (peace and blessing be upon him) and the Salaf Salih.

In the formative period of Moroccan Sufism, the Qudwa often appeared as a defender of the faith, a martyr, or a scholar. As a scholar, the Qudwa personified the universalistic aspirations of Islamic pietism and adhered to the doctrines of usul ad-Din (origins of faith) and usul al-fiqh (origins of jurisprudence). Although the usul tradition owed its origins to Shafiism the Moroccan saint tented to be non-sectarian with respect to taqlid, loyalty to a single school of law.  This attitude allowed the saint to place himself or herself at the cutting edge of doctrinal innovation (ijtihad). At times (such as in the Jazulite doctrine of the Imamate), the Qudwa even espoused doctrines whose roots were located beyond the pale of Sunni normalcy. 

Within the Sufi tradition, the Qudwa was an exemplar of mystic practice. Here as well, the Wali's example was based on the Mohammedian paradigm, as illustrated by Imam Jazouli's most important maxims: "He who follows the example of the Shaykh follows the example of his Lord. For the sacredness of the Shaykh before his disciples is like the sacredness of the Prophet before Companions." The all-inclusive nature of the Mohammedian paradigm was illustrated in Tariqa Jazouliya, which conceived of the spiritual master as a substitute for the prophets and the mirror of the Mohammedian image. 

The prophetic nature of the Qudwa exemplarity was known in earlier periods of Moroccan Sufism as well. This is amply illustrated by the case of the Baraka of Morocco Sidi Abu Yaaza Yalnour (d. 572-1177). Although he was dismissed by many exoteric as an ignorant mountaineer, he was known to his fellow Sufis as the "Shaykh of the Shaykhs of the Maghrib." Abu Yaaza's sainthood reflected two separate, yet complementary Sufi traditions. As a Sufi Shaykh, he transmitted the Nuriya tradition of Sidi Abul Hassan an-Nuri (d. 295/880) that came to dominate Moroccan mysticism after the end of the sixth/twelfth century. As a worker of miracles, he was revered by Sufis for actualising the prophetic model. Although he did not create an independent Sufi order, he was considered a paradigm for Moroccan Sufis because he was a symbol of God-consciousness and the universality of revelation. 

Sidi Abu Yaaza's wilaya was recognised by all types of people, from the intellectual to the illiterate, because it was based on the universally understood pedagogy of "look and learn". Rather than simply acting in accordance with outward Sunna, his style was to model his inward state after the prophetic model. This was illustrated by his reputation for miracles of foreknowledge (firasa), like the prophets of Israel, and his performance of healing miracles, like Sidna Aissa (peace upon him). His main link to the Prophet (peace and blessing be upon him) was in his belief that all miracles proceeded from the same divine source of knowledge ('ilm ladunni).  Paraphrasing the Prophet (peace and blessing be upon him) he claimed, "I had no knowledge other than what my Lord had made known to me".

If Sidi Abu Yaaza exemplifies the knowledge of the Qudwa, Sidi Abul Abbas Sabti (of the Seven Patron Saints of Marrakech; d. 601/1186) exemplifies the Qudwa praxis. Although his miracles were just as unique as those of Sidi Abu Yaaza, the way of charity, good works, and social activism that these miracles expressed the social dimension of the Mohammedian Sunna. This ethical view of saintly praxis was also shared by the authors of sacred biography. In recalling the virtues and exploits of the Moroccan Awliya, these writers helped to maintain the institutional continuity of wilaya by inspiring their readers to follow the example of their subjects. Like other form of exemplarity, the ethical path of wilaya was also made to lead back to the tradition of the Prophet (peace and blessing be upon him).  

The Watad

The role typologies of Salih and Qudwa converge in the third ideal type of Moroccan wali, the Watad (anchor or stake of faith). As a holy faqih and anchor of the earth (Watad al-ard) who helped the Shari'a in an urban locality, this figure exemplified the juridical authority of Moroccan Wilaya. Like the Qudwa, the key to the Watad's authority was knowledge. But in this latter, the Wali's knowledge extended beyond the Sunna to the more professional knowledges of Shari'a and fiqh (jurisprudence). Whether he was a Maliki Sufi-oriented jurist, like Sidi Darras ibn Ismail al-Fasi (d. 357/986) and Sidi Bu Jayda al-Yazghi al-Fasi (d. after 369/978), or a Sufi Shaykh, like Sidi Abdelljalil ibn Wayhan of Aghmat (d. 541/1126), founder of the Moroccan Nuriya tradition, the Watad viewed as an "anchor of the earth" because he played two defining roles: that of mujtahid, interpreter of the law, and that of patron or protector of the community.

For Sidi Abul Hassan Ali ibn Harzihim (d. 559/1164), the Watad emerged as a key figure in the development of Moroccan Sufism. Like other awtad before him, Ibn Harzihim was revered as the patron of the city. Also like his fellow awtad, he was juridically trained, having studied usul-oriented Malikism under Sidi Abu Bakr ibn al-Arabi (d. 543/1128) and the works of al-Ghazali under his uncle Sidi Salih ibn Harzihim (d. after 526/1111), himself a disciple of Sidi Abu Hamid al-Ghazali and Sidi Abu Najib as-Sahrawardi (d. 563/1148). By transmitting the orthodox mysticism of this latter and legitimising the dissident tradition of the malamatiya, he was more influential than all previous awtad except Shaykh Darras. Just as Darras earned a place in history by ensuring the primacy of the Maliki school of law and disseminating the Mudawwana of Sahnun, so Ibn Harzihim became recognised as the father of Moroccan juridical Sufism by turning his rabita into a major centre for teaching al-Ghazali's synthesis of Sufism and the Shari'a.

The Murabit

 The fourth ideal type of Moroccan wali, the Murabit (marabout), was closely related to the Watad in the functions he performed. However, two important differences separated these figures. First of all, the Murabit was an exclusively rural ideal type. Second, whereas the authority of the Watad was based on the Wali's knowledge of Shari'a sciences, that of the Murabit was in addition largely dependent of the network of relations he remained within a localised tribal context. The Murabit can thus be summarised as representing the social authority of Moroccan Wilaya. Many Murabitun (plural of Murabit), like the awtad of urban Morocco, were also specialists in the Shari'a. In the case of the Murabit, however, it was the ribat as an institution, as much as the individual wali, that was believed to anchor the Shari'a to a particular locality. This point is illustrated by the case Sidi Waggag ibn Zallu al-Lamti (d. 445/1030), the most prominent teacher of Malikism in the Anti Atlas region. He was the student of the great jurist and mystic Sidi Abu Imran al-Fasi (d. 430/1015) and teacher of Sidi Abdellah ibn Yassin Jazouli (d. 451/1059), the spiritual mentor of the Almoravides. In the generations of after his death, he was remembered more for the ribat he founded (Dar al-Murabitun) than for his actual teachings. 

The quintessential Murabitun of Morocco were the Banu Amghar, the Hassanid sharfa of Tit al-Fitr in Dukkala (eleven kilometres from current El Jadida). The ribat was founded by Sidi Abu Jaafar Ishaq Amghar (d. 475/1060) but reached a great importance at the hand of his son Moulay Abu Abdellah Amghar. Unlike most ribats of al-Andalus and Tunisia, the main function of Tit al-Fitr was educational: to provide, in addition to Sufi tarbiya, instruction in the Shari'a and Islamic theology. Also important to its role was the fact that it served as a hub in an important network of trade routes that passed through the region of Dukkala. As the Berber name Banu Amghar (Sons of the Leader) implied, the masters of these ribat exercised both religious and political authority over their followers, the pastoralist tribe of Sanhaja Azammour. In doing so the Banu Amghar took on also the roles of both religious leader (Imam) and judge (qadi), and ensured the presence of Islamic law in a region that had only partially submitted to the authority of the state.

The Murabit's image as a Shaykh Tariqa was primary based on his role as a broker (wasita). However the Murabit was also an interpreter of culture who translated the urban-based logic of the Shari'a into the more restricted codes of tribal custom (al-'ada). To succeed as a broker, it was necessary to keep foot in two environments at once: the normative and the normal. Both the urban-educated founders of ribats and their descendents did their best to maintain the integrity of urban traditions in a rural setting. This is a major reason why ribats often took on the appearance of administrative or educational centres rather than mere hermitages. 

At least the three cases of Ribat Tit al-Fitr, Ribat Sidi Shiker (named after the companion of Sidna Uqba ibn Nafi'a), and Ribat Asafi (founded by Sidi Abu Mohammed Salih al-Majiri; d. 631/1216), the doctrines of Murabitun became institutionalized to the point where they formed distinct Sufi traditions. This process is exemplified by the creation of the Amghariya and Majiriya Sufi orders. In both groups, members was predicated on the disciple's ethnic or tribal ties; whereas membership in the Sanhajiya (Ribat Tit al-Fitr) was limited to Sanhaja Berbers from the Dukkala and Anti-Atlas regions, membership in the Majiriya was confined to the Masmuda Berbers of southern Dukkala and Ragraga. 

The existence of these tribal Sufi orders—before the appearance of the institutionalised Sufi orders: the Shadhiliya and the Qadiriya—illustrates an important difference between the doctrinal aspect of ribat-based Sufism and urban-Sufism in general. Although the Murabit may at times have a Sufi Shaykh, his teachings had a limited appeal and were not widely popular outside of his home region. Sidi Abu Abdellah Amghar, the founder of Sanhajiya Sufi order, was known by the limited appellation of al-Qutb as-Sanhaji, the "Sanhaja Axis," instead, of the more universal Qutb az-Zaman (Axis of the Age). The situation was somewhat different for Sidi Abu Mohammed Salih due to his subsequent development of the pilgrimage society and his training at the hands of Sidi Abu Madyan al-Ghawt (d. 594/1179) and his student Sidi Abderrazaq Jazouli (d. 592/1177). Both of these factors linked his teachings to wider Islamic traditions that allowed his doctrine to transcend the restricted social universe in which he lived. 

Importantly, the ribat and Murabitun played an important and major role in the awakening and preparation of their tribal areas providing a focus for combating illiteracy and inculcating knowledge, and fighting injustice and social corruption. Most of Moroccan Murabitun won the respect and veneration of their communities through their uncommon piety and karamat. Even nowadays, their tombs remain the focus for annual Muslim fairs (mawsims), and are places of pilgrimage where, despite grumbling disapproval from the more orthodox urban mosques, the intercession of the dead Wali, or his baraka, may be obtained to solve personal problems.

The Shaykh Tariqa

The fifth type of Moroccan saint was the Shaykh Tariqa, who personified the doctrinal authority of Moroccan Wilaya. We have already seen how the saint as an ideal type could dovetail with other typifications of sainthood, such as when Sidi Abul Mahasin Yusuf al-Fasi (d. 1013/1598) combined the roles of Shaykh Tariqa and Murabit, or Sidi Abul Hassan Ali ibn Harzihim (d. 559/1164) combing the roles of Shaykh Tariqa and Watad, or when Sidi Mohammed Ibn Abi Bakr Dilai (d. 1046/1631) combined the roles of Shaykh Tariqa and Murabit. The Shaykh Tariqa is the most self-evident of all the categories of Moroccan sainthood, since the role of the saint is commonly assimilated to that of the spiritual master in Sufi treaties.

The most prominent examples of the saint as a Shaykh Tariqa in premodern Maghrib were Sidi Abu Madyan al-Ghawt (d. 594/1179) and Sidi Abul Hassan Shadhili (d. 656/1241). In both cases, the reputations of these saints were heavily dependent on their doctrine legacy. Sidi Abu Madyan was the most important figure of the development period of Maghribi Sufism. His doctrinal influence extended from al-Andalus to Egypt and his spiritual method set the standard for North African mysticism for centuries to come. His Sufi training partook of all of the traditions that were available in his time: he learned the Sahrawardiya tradition from Sidi Ali ibn Harzihim, Malammatiya Sufism from Sidi Ahmed Daqqaq, and the Nuriya from Sidi Abu Yaaza and Sidi Ali Boughaleb (d. 568/1153). However, his own writings had a great impact on future generations. These included the manual for disciples, Bidayat al-murid, a collection of aphorism, titled Uns al-wahid wa nuzhat al-murid, and poems which are still recited in Sufi zawaya today.

One hardly needs to be reminded of the doctrinal significance of Sidi Mohammed ibn Slimane Jazouli (d. 869/1454). To this day, the rituals associated with his tomb in Marrakech differ from other rituals of Moroccan Awliya because of his unique identification with the Mohammedian paradigm. Unlike the tombs of other Awliya, including those of his successors Sidi Abdellaziz Tabba'a (d. 914/1499) and Sidi Abdellah Ghazwani (d. 935/1520), Sidi Mohammed Jazouli’s is  never used for ecstatic performances. Public participation in Jazulite rituals, such as the celebration of the Prophet's Mawlid and the recitation of Dalail al-Khayrat, is in practice restricted to today's remnants of the Jazouliya and to the people of known piety and virtue. No one is allowed to touch the embroidered cover of his catafalque, nor take a piece of it for blessing. When visitors (mainly women) attempt to do so, the muqaddam of the tomb drives them away with a wooden staff.

The Ghawt az-Zaman

Sidi Mohammed Jazouli's unique position in the company of saints brings to mind the three most comprehensive types of Moroccan sainthood: the Ghawt, the Imam, the Qutb and the Fard (supreme). As the sixth ideal type, the Ghawt, represents the generative authority of the Moroccan saint. Even the Ghawt, was an early term for the axial saint in the Maghreb and it is sometimes used as a synonym for the qutb, al-qutb al-jami'a, or qutb al-aqtab. However, the venerated Fasite Shaykh, Sidi Abdellaziz Debbarh (d. 1132/1717), who had earned fame with the title of Ghawt az-Zaman' (Helper of the Time or Succour), articulates as perceived in Kitab Ad-Dahab al-ibriz min kalam sayyidi Abdellaziz (The Pure Gold from the Sayings of Sidi Abdellaziz Debbarh) that the qutb sometimes to the watad. Sometimes, every state or town has its own qutb. As an ideal type, the Ghawt has being claimed by many Moroccan Sufis such as Sidi Abu Madyan al-Ghawt (d. 594/1179), Moulay Abdessalam b. Mashish (d. 622/1207), Sidi Abul Hassan Shadhili (d. 656/1241), Sidi Mohammed ibn Slimane Jazouli (d. 869/1454), Sidi Abdellaziz at-Tabba'a  (d. 914/1499), Sidi Abdellah al-Ghazwani (d. 935/1520), Moulay Abdellah Sharif al-Wazzani (d. 1089/1674), Moulay Ahmed Sqalli (d. 1177/1762), and Sidna Shaykh Abul Abbas Ahmed Tijani (d. 1230/1815). Mawlana Shaykh Tijani has confirmed that his followers shall occupy that the office of the Ghawt until the day of judgement. Among his followers that claimed this station the golden names of Sidi Ali b. Aissa Tamacini al-Hassani (d. 1260/1845), Sidi Mohammed al-Arbi b. Sayeh (d. 1309/1894), Sidi al-Hussein al-Ifrani al-Hassani (d. 1328/1913), and Sidi Mohammed al-'Hajuji al-Fasi (d. 1371/1952).

The Imam

The example of the Patron Saint of Fez, the Known Mohammedian Seal, Mawlana Ahmed ibn Mohammed Tijani, brings to mind the seventh ideal type of Moroccan Wali, the Imam. This category typifies the religiopolitical authority of Moroccan Wilaya. Examples of saintly Imams include powerful figures such as Sidi Abdellah ibn Yassin Jazouli (d. 451/1036 in Tamesna), Sidi Mohammed ibn Tumart (d. 524/1130 in Tinmal), and Moulay Ali Sharif Alawi (d. 847/1432 in Taghmaret, Errachidia), who mediated both the religious affairs and the politico-social relations of their disciples. The clearest example of this type, however, can be found in the masters of Tariqa Jazouliya during the political and economic turmoil of the tenth/sixteenth century. More explicitly than ever before in Moroccan Sufism, the leaders of Jazouliya advocated an exalted role for the Sufi Shaykh as the premier guardian of Islam, a role that evoked the image of the caliph as the Imam of the Muslim community (Ummah). The Jazouliya was described by its founder as a "state" (dawla), in which the Sufis pledged their allegiance to the Shaykh as their primary leader. The creation of this "state of salvation" out of the institutional structure of Moroccan Sufism, combined as it was with a mistrust of political authority that had long been part of the Sufi ethos, led to frequent conflicts between the leaders of the Jazouliya and the government. These conflicts were only resolved when the Saadian Sultan Mohammed Shaykh al-Mahdi (d. 964/1549) brought his full power to bear on the zawaya of Morocco in the middle of the sixteenth century.

In Sidi Abdellah Ghazwani's (d. 935/1520) doctrine of the Sovereignty of Saintly Authority (siyadat al-Imama), the authority of the saint-as-Imam was conceived as a direct inheritance from the Prophet Sidna Mohammed (peace and blessing be upon him). Since a major source of this "prophetic inheritance" (wiratha nabawiya) was genealogical, the Jazulite ideology shared much in common with Idrissid model of authority. Because Sidi al-Ghazwani's stances assimilated many of the attributes of early Imamates, it was suggested that this might have been due to the influence of the Idrissite ideology developed by the founder of Moroccan State, Sidna Imam Moulay Idriss Akbar (d. 177/762). Idrissite doctrine affirmed the divine right of the Imam who arises against injustice and unbelief. This attitude is reflected in numerous statements by both Jazouli and al-Ghazwani, who claimed that their authority extended over the political rulers of their day.

Imam Jazouli even went so far as to refer to himself as the Mahdi, a term which carries obvious political connotations. By referring to himself as the Mahdi, Imam Jazouli staked his claim to the most comprehensive ideal type of Wali, the Qutb. This paradigmatic figure exemplified the inclusive authority of Moroccan Wilaya. By doing so, the Qutb became the prime exemplar of Wilaya itself. Imam Jazouli was perhaps the best example of the Qutb in the history of Moroccan Sufism, since both his historic presence and his doctrines mark a clear break between what preceded him and what came afterwards. Just as Abu Madyan personified the development period of Maghribi Sufism, so Imam Jazouli and his successors personified the apogee of Moroccan institutional Sufism.

In doctrinal terms, Imam Jazouli was an axial figure who combined the competing traditions of Shadhilite and Qadirite Sufism into a single institution and thus set the doctrinal parameters for Moroccan Sufism for the next two hundred years. He was an axial figure in political terms because he and his successors were instrumental in the development of a new political ideology for Morocco at the dawn  of the modern age. In addition, his successors facilitated the overthrow of the Marinid ancient regime and helped engineer the eventual victory of the Saadian Sharifs. Because of their influence, Morocco took on a distinct political and religious identity that set it apart from other Muslim nations-to-be. Finally, the legacy of Imam Jazouli can be seen in many of the beliefs and practices that distinguish the popular aspect of Moroccan Islam today. He thus marks the boundary between premodern and modern Sufism in Morocco, and uniquely exemplifies the concept of sainthood in Moroccan Sufism.  

The Khatm

The concepts of khatmiya (sealhood) and katmiya (concealhood) have been introduced for the first time in the book of Khatim al-Awliya (Seal of Saints) of Shaykh Sidi al-Hakim Tirmidhi (d. 320/905) and then popularized through the writings of the Shaykh al-Akbar Sidi Muhyiddin ibn Arabi al-‘Hatimi (d. 636/1221) in his  ‘Anqa’ Maghreb fi khatm al-awliya wa shams al-Maghreb (The Western Phoenix in the Seal of Saints and Sun of Morocco), the Futuhat al-Makkiya (the Makkan Openings), and the Fusus al-Hikam (Bezels of Wisdom), only to develop later in mainstream Sufi literature by Sidi Mohammed Wafa al-Idrissi al-Hassani al-Misri (d. 765/1350), Sidi Mohammed b. Slimane Jazouli al-Hassani (d. 869/1454), Sidi Abdelwahhab Shaarani (d. 905/1490), and Sidi Mokhtar al-Kunti al-Qadiri (d. 1226/1811). These authors have all agreed that the Seal of Sainthood is the last and most perfect personality in the historical spiritual cycle inaugurated by the Holy Prophet (peace and blessing be upon him). With this person, the evolution of Perfect Sainthood (al-Wilalaya al-Kassa) has found its end— just as prophethood did with the emergence of the Seal of Prophets Sidna Mohammed (peace and blessing be upon him). In the twelfth/eighteenth century, literature on sealhood and concealhood of Mohammedian sanctity has been flourished for good by followers of the actual Hidden Pole, Sidna Shaykh Abul Abbas Ahmed ibn Mohammed Tijani al-Hassani (may Allah overflow on us from his ocean with the best of spectacles). 

The concepts of khatmiya (sealhood) and katmiya (concealhood) have been introduced for the first time in the book of Khatim al-Awliya (Seal of Saints) of Shaykh Sidi al-Hakim Tirmidhi (d. 320/905) and then popularized through the writings of the Shaykh al-Akbar Sidi Muhyiddin ibn Arabi al-‘Hatimi (d. 636/1221) in his  ‘Anqa’ Maghreb fi khatm al-awliya wa shams al-Maghreb (The Western Phoenix in the Seal of Saints and Sun of Morocco), the Futuhat al-Makkiya (the Makkan Openings), and the Fusus al-Hikam (Bezels of Wisdom), only to develop later in mainstream Sufi literature by Sidi Mohammed Wafa al-Idrissi al-Hassani al-Misri (d. 765/1350), Sidi Mohammed b. Slimane Jazouli al-Hassani (d. 869/1454), Sidi Abdelwahhab Shaarani (d. 905/1490), and Sidi Mokhtar al-Kunti al-Qadiri (d. 1226/1811). These authors have all agreed that the Seal of Sainthood is the last and most perfect personality in the historical spiritual cycle inaugurated by the Holy Prophet (peace and blessing be upon him). With this person, the evolution of Perfect Sainthood (al-Wilalaya al-Kassa) has found its end— just as prophethood did with the emergence of the Seal of Prophets Sidna Mohammed (peace and blessing be upon him). In the twelfth/eighteenth century, literature on sealhood and concealhood of Mohammedian sanctity has been flourished for good by followers of the actual Hidden Pole, Sidna Shaykh Abul Abbas Ahmed ibn Mohammed Tijani al-Hassani (may Allah overflow on us from his ocean with the best of spectacles). 

 In the chronicle he called Khatim al-Awliya, al-Hakim Tirmidhi (d. 320/905) informs us the Khatim al-Awliya is the person, “upon whom the leadership (imama) of the saints is incumbent, who bears in his hand the Banner of the saints, and whose intercession all the saints have need of, just as prophets have need of Prophet Sidna Mohammed”. Tirmidhi continues that that authority of the Khatim al-Awliya even extends to the eschatological realm. On the Day of Judgment he will come forth as the proof of the saints just as the Seal of Prophets Sidna Mohammed (peace and blessing be upon him) will come forth as the proof of the prophets. Indeed, Sidna Shaykh said to his companions in Fez, "'When Allah assembles His creatures at the place of standing, a herald will proclaim at the top of his voice, so that everyone at the place of standing will hear him: "O people of the final congregation, this is your Imam, from whom you obtained your support!"

The khatmiya maqam's absolute appearance was claimed before by Sidi Muhyiddin ibn Arabi al-‘Hatimi al-Maghribi (d. 636/1221) when he said: “We no doubt sealed sainthood by inheriting the Hachimi and the Messiah”. However he retracted (taraja'a) later when aware that the full, complete and absolute appearance in that maqam is to be for some one else. He discover not who will attain such absolute appearance. In his ‘Anqa’ Maghreb fi khatm al-awliya wa shams al-Maghreb (The Western Phoenix in the Seal of Saints and Sun of Morocco), which he wrote in Fez, Ibn Arabi introduces the Seal of Sainthood as, “the inheriting saint, who receives from the source, who recognizes the degrees and ascertains the entitlement of their holders, in order to give each creditor his rightful due, for that is one of the virtues of the Chieftain of the Envoys, the Captain of the Community." Very explicitly, the Egyptian Shadhilite Sidi Abdelwahhab Shaarani (d. 905/1490) illustrated in Durar al-Ghawas, "This community (Ummah) has two comprehensive Seals, and every degree and station has an inheritor. Every saint there has ever been, or will ever be, can only receive from these two Seals, one of whom is the Seal of the sainthood of the elite, while the other is the one by whom the common sainthood is sealed, for there will be no saint after him until the advent of the Final Hour."